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THE 



LETTERS 



OF 



COLUMBUS ; 

ORIGINALLY PUBLISHED 
IN THE 

3STON BULLETIN: 

TO WHICH ARE ADDED TWO LETTERS OF 

COL. ORJVE TO GEN. DUFF GREEN 



-►*«®$**« 




/ 

BOSTON : 

PUBLISHED BY PUTNAM & HUNT. 

1829. 



* V 



■s 






COLUMBUS, NO. I 



A writer in the New Hampshire Patriot, under the signature of 
Anti-Janus, has commenced an attack against a portion of Gen. Jack- 
son's friends, in Boston, which presents some claims to their notice. I 
do not hazard a conjecture as to his name. The matter of the piece 
affords sufficient indications that it is a Boston production, and many 
circumstances satisfy me beyond a doubt that it may be deemed the 
act of a Boston party. The piece is remarkable for a boldness of as- 
sertion, for a rancorous spirit of hostility, and for a recklessness of 
truth, which have usually characterized the writers in the Boston 
Statesman; but the composition evinces a greater degree of taste than 
has usually been noticed in that virulent paper. The writer is not, 
probably, one of the master spirits of the party. People who have 
much at stake, do not like to commit themselves too openly in asser- 
tions which cannot be maintained, and the falsehood of which must re- 
coil, with fearful energy, on themselves. They prefer to pour their 
slander through secret channels, and to leave nothing visible of the 
assassin but the blow that he strikes. 

I confess I have been much surprised at the appearance of this pa- 
per. When a party, by the use of secret defamation, has accomplish- 
ed its object, and obtained, from a deceived government, trusts of such 
magnitude as must have surpassed their fondest visions of hope, — such 
trusts as must sometimes make them doubt whether, indeed, it be not 
the illusions of a happy dream, — when, apparently, the party can have 
nothing more to hope for, while they have every thing to lose, there 
appears to be a temerity almost approaching to madness, in bringing 
their intrigues into public discussion, and subjecting their false asser- 
tions to the dread talisman of truth. There must, in such a case, be 
some secret danger to appal them, which is not open to common obser- 
vation. The government whom they have deceived must, from some 
cause or other, have been roused to suspicion — some secret thorn 
must, in the haste, have been covered up in their bed of roses to trou- 
ble their repose — the hidden recess of their retreat must have been in- 
vaded by some avenging spirit to disturb their unhallowed revels, by 
pointing the finger from the wall. Some still small voice must have 
proclaimed in the ear of slumbering security, that the triumphs of thG 



4 

wicked rest on a treacherous foundation, which the slightest shock may 
cause to tumble from beneath them. 

The attack is not less remarkable from the quarter whence it pro- 
ceeds, than from that against which it is directed. The men who have 
received every thing-lrom the government, attack those of its friends 
who have/eceived nothing. The Statesman party is not satisfied that 
the Jackson republican party has been overthrovv.n. Their success- 
ful denunciation to the president does not satisfy the victors in the very 
moment of their triumph. To share in the battle without partaking of 
the triumph — to conquer with their party, and to-be worse off than the 
conquered — to have theiii success rendered less beneficial than defeat, 
is not considered, by one portion of the 'Jackson party, sufficient for 
another portion. These vindictive gentlemen are not satisfied that we 
suffer, nor theft we suffer with humility. We have bowed-to the rod of 
affliction — the blasts of adversity have passed over us, and ^e have not 
repined — the w organs of the government" have denounced us, and 
we have not replied — calumny has closed against us the fountains of 
power, and suspicion has rendered deaf to our voice* the ear of author- 
ity, and yet our enemies are not satisfied. To ruin our political pros- 
pects is not enough — but the last consolation of the good man, that 
which the God of nature has not placed at the mercy of fortune, the 
value of private reputation, is to be assailed, and the inmost recess to 
which disappointed virtue can retreat, the bosom of private life, is to 
be entered and violated. 

To accomplish this object the pen of Jlnti-Jftnus is employed. The 
columns of a distant newspaper are selected for the. onset, from whence 
the calumny has been transferred to the Boston Statesman, and will 
probably be again carried, through the Washington Telegraph, to every 
quarter of this wide extended empire. Whether inclined, or other- 
wise, to a public discussion, the alternative is not left us. We are 
forced into the arena. The glove of the challenger is haughtily 
thrown down, and we are compelled to take it up. We must meet the 
slander, or acquiesce in the justice of the denunciation. We must be 
content with infamy as well as ruin, or we must fight. We will fight. 
The glove of the challenger is fastened to* our helmet, and the issue 
must be settled by the sword. The contest is not one of our courting, 
but we engage in it without reluctance. . The calumny which has been 
sent forth in secret shall be answered openly. The government shall 
bear two parties where, before, it has heard but one. The war, like 
that which preceded our national combat with England, shall no long- 
er be a war on one side, The effort^o endure shall be changed to one 
to defend. The blow shall be returned as well as warded off. And 
like the chivalry of old, when they threw away the scabbard, we call 
upon the God of armies to give victory and honour to them that de- 
serve it. " COLUMBJ7S. 

COLUMBUS, NO. IV 

The individuals whom Anti-Janus aims at are too plainly under- 
stood to be left in doubt, and we add nothing to the certainty by re- 



moving the thin veil which he pretends to throw over his portraits. — 
He need not fear that we shall affect to misunderstand him, from an 
apprehension that the 'fidelity of the portrait will be admitted when its 
object is acknowledged. The slightest occurrence in the history of 
an individual will sometimes indicate him as distinctly as his name ; 
and let the outlines of the portrait be shaped as they may, and whether 
the colouring be drawn from the beams of Heaven's own arch, or from 
the blackest recesses of the slanderous bosom, the object will stand 
sufficiently revealed. 

No one, therefore, can entertain a doubt that by Col. Chrisjopher 
Crafty, Anti-Janus means Cor.. Orne; and it is equally obvious to 
whom he refers by the parties who were "to furnish a sufficient quan- 
tity of good society federalism," and "' a sprinkling of democracy and 
the Balance in cash." The union of these gentlemen as friends of 
Gen. Jackson, and who established a newspaper for the sole purpose 
of supporting his election, — their movements in connexion with their 
party, and their political fate, are facts of general notoriety, and in- 
applicable to all others. 

To denounce these gentlemen and their political friends, and the 
newspaper which defends them, is the object of Anti-Janus, and of the 
friends of the Statesman. But his main attention is, as that of his 
party has heretofore been, bestowed on Col. Orne. The reason of 
this distinction will sufficiently appear in the course of these numbers. 
Our present object is, however, only to notice the fact. When men 
are stron«- in their union, the first step to their overthrow is to efi'cet 
their division. This has been attempted by every appeal to pride arrd 
self-interest which the ingenuity of intrigue could suggest, but has 
been attempted in vain. The bond between men of honor in pur- 
suit of an honest object, will baffle the deepest cunning, and set temp- 
tation at defiance. Duff Green, with all the'means that his supposed 
influence and want of honor can give him, has been as unfortunate in 
his numerous attempts, as have his worthy coadjutors of the States- 
man party. Anti-Janus, with more address than both, will share their 
fate. 

Let us now proceed to the matter of his accusation. Col. Orne's 
figure " is too corpulent" for the taste of Anit-Janus. By St. George, 
we could almost imagine we had a lady for our adversary. " The ex- 
pression of his eye has been impaired" by a chronic inflammation of 
some twenty years standing. What a pity it is that Col. Orne had not 
consulted Anti-Janus as his apothecary. Who knows but that between 
his drugs and his lead, (pardon me, Anti-Janus, I believe on my soul 
you are not the drug and paint seller) some antidote might have been 
found to allay the inflammation and preserve the lustre. " His locks 
are thinner than they were in early youth ; alas, that time in his pro- 
gress, with his pitiless scythe, should assail the clustering graces of the 
youthful head. Would that our Anti-Janus were a barber, and Col. 
Orne's hair had been subjected to his skill some twenty years since — 
the thin locks might not at this day have offended the delicate taste of 
our adversary. But enough of this trifling — there is graver matter be- 



hind. According to ,Anti-Janus, Col. Orne is a " glutton" and a 
" sensualist" — is " selfish," u cunning," " treacherous," and " false." 
That during three years of the last presidential contest, he adopted the 
non-committal system, and could not decide what course to take. He 
hesitated while Gov. Clinton lived, lest he might be a candidate: and 
after his death, turned a doubting eye towards Mr. Crawford. He 
denied, in the most public manner, that he took any part in the (presi- 
dential) contest, while at. the same time he privately kept up an active 
communication with the friends of each candidate, professing, in the 
secrecy of confidential correspondence, to be friendly to each. That 
he was %.fenceman, until the election of Mr. Speaker Stevenson warn- 
ed him to jump oft', when he attempted to steal or force. himself into 
the front rank of those who had fought the good fight of Jackson and 
reform, but his base and selfish conduct caused him to be viewed eMBvy 
where with coldness and distrust. That he headed a new party, se- 
duced two honest, well meaning, (simple souls!) but somewhat disap- 
pointed politicians to join him, collected the unprincipled of all parties, 
and struck for his object — but failed. That, since his failure, the only 
passion which finds entrance to his bosom, is revenge. For this only 
he lives, moves and breathes, this employs his thoughts by day, and his 
dreams by night — to this he devotes his perverted talents, his fiendish 
cunning, and his exceeding falsehood. ' He abuses Gen. Jackson in 
his private familiar conversation in the foulest manner — ^abuses his 
constitutional advisers, and- the officers he has appointed. lie affects 
to be a friend to Gen. Jackson, that he may effect the mischief he 
meditates. He ascribes to bribery, the support which disinterested 
presses give to excellent public officers, (Messrs. Henshaw, Greene 
and Company !) and, to the same cause, the undivided approbation (of 
them) of the whole community. He visits the friends of a displaced 
clerk, fans the embers of discontent, and excites public meetings to 
denounce the representatives of the government. And, finally, ob- 
tains the control of an unprincipled press, by the means of some in- 
strument he has made his dupe! 

This, according to Anti-Janus, is the catalogue ©f Col. Orne's of- 
fences, and it must be confessed, that his transgressions, if it be just, 
exceed all the sins of the decalogue. The addition of a few more 
■would hardly change the color of the picture, for perjury, theft, and 
murder are the natural fruits of such concentrated profligacy. The 
greatest enemy of Col. Orne must admit, that charges of this enormity 
should be made only by one who was prepared to support them, with 
proof, when it was called for. As his friend, and on his behalf, I call 
for proof. He denies every charge, the truth of every averment, and 
the justice of every imputation. To this comprehensive indictment he 
pleads not guilty, to every part and parcel thereof, and throws himself 
on his country for trial. Come forward then, Mr. Prosecutor Anti- 
Janus, and produce your proof. You have made the charges either on 
the information of others, or on your own knowledge. You are either 
the deceived, or the deceiver. If others have informed you, name 
them, and call upon them for evidence. If they are unable to furnish 



7 

it, and you are a man of honor, (for, not knowing you, I will not pre- 
judge your character,) acknowledge your error, and make atonement 
to the man you have attempted to injure. If you make the assertion on 
your own knowledge, com e •forward with the facts. Draw them lit m 
what source you may, friends or enemies, from public acts or confiden- 
tial communications. Yoi: are at liberty to use any information, come 
from what quarter it may — for Col. Orne exonerates every human be- 
ing who can substantiate your statement, or any pait of it, from with- 
holding his- information, under whatever circumstances oY confidence 
it might have been obtained. If he has " kept up an active commu- 
nication with the friends ofeach candidate, professing in the secrecy of 
confidential correspondence to be fri'efldly to each," there must be 
some, indignant at such villanv, whose confidence must have been de- 
stroyed by his exposed duplicity, and who can have no motive to screen 
him. He removes every injunction that confidence has imposed, and 
calls upon all, nay dares all who holds.the evidence of his duplicity, to 
bring it forward. Bring one friend of am/.other* candidate to confirm 
your statement, and he will exonerate you, in part, from malignant 
amd wilful defamation. If you shrink from his reasonable demand, 
withhold all proof, and skulk behind your anonymous signature, he will 
hold you, in common, he trusts, with the rest of mankind, as a false, 
malicious, and malignant slanderer, and -a perjured, corrupt, and prof- 
ligate knave. columeus 

COLUMBUS NO. III. 

The last of the charges made by Anti-Janus is the first in the order 
of our notice, viz r that since the local appointments Jiere, Col. Orne 
has been actuated by a spirit of revenge, has abused Gen. Jackson and 
his constitutional advisers, has fanned the embers of discontent, assail- 
ed his officers through the pirhlic press, and been the active mover 
of every effort in opposition to their conduct. 

There is not one word of truth in the whole of this comprehensive 
denunciation — it is gratuitous and unfounded from .beginning to end. 
It has all the character of falsehood w4iieh Anti-Janus imputes to an- 
other, but practices himself, by way of illustration. The appointments 
made by the president here, it is true, surprised and astonished the 
Jackson republican party, and the surprise and astonishment have 
scarcely diminished to this hour. 'His best friends have in vain taxed 
their imaginations to comprehend the policy by which he has been gov- 
erned, and a satisfactory solution of the subject is as unattainable now, 
as it was when the astonishing; appointments were made. It lias been 
the subject of frequent and earnest conferences, but has baffled every 
attempt at a satisfactory elucidation. The course proper for the party 
to pursue, under such embarrassing circumstances, has also received 
the full measure of consideration. Although some difference of opinion 
existed, as might naturally be expected, it was the decision of the ma- 
jority, that the party should keep still, and suffer the consequences of 



8 

the measures to unfold themselves. The general confidence of the 
Jackson republican party in the rectitude of the president's intentions 
was not shaken, but a deep conviction was entertained that he had 
been deceived by artifices, and falsehoods, which would not fail, in the 
course of time, to become manifest. A conviction was also felt, with! 
equal sincerity, that the president was not a man to suffer deceit to 
pass with impunity, or to continue trusts in hands which had obtained 
them by the grossest artifices, and impositions. *For this change in the 
temper of the administration we have waited with patience and resigna- 
tion. Our information from Washington, from the most respectable 
sources, assured us that the president was by no means pleased with 
the state of things in Boston, or satisfied that his appointments were of 
the character he had been 'led to suppose : — The party who had pressed 
these appointments upon him he had detected in a foul conspiracy to 
slander the character of almost the only man, Gen. Boyd, whose ap- 
pointment answered the expectations of our citizens. This base and. 
profligate conspiracy againsf a man who had "deserved so much from 
his country, made a deep impression on the mind of the president, and 
awakened a suspicion of the true character of the Statesman party? 
The first effect was to' stop any further appointments on their recom- 
mendation, and,*subsequently ; an order to the collector to make no 
more removals without first receiving the sanction of the treasury de- 
partment. The movements of the Boston merchants, in regard to the 
shameful proscriptions of the Customhouse, were the unbiassed results 
of the deep disgust felt by business men who regarded alone the inter- 
ests of the community, uninfluenced by, and'indifferent to political con- 
siderations. So far from being instigated by Col: Orn.e, that gentle- 
man was totally uninformed that a meeting was contemplated, until the 
evening it occurred, when it was incidentally mentioned to him by a 
gentleman who intended to be present. Col. Orne had no more agen- 
cy in getting it up than Mr. Henshaw,. against whose objectionable 
conduct it was convened to remonstrate. His decided disinclination to 
be a party to such a movement, was too well known, even to admit of 
the subject being suggested to him. Col. Orne was equally a stranger 
to the discussions which have from time to time appeared in the Bulle- 
tin, upon these subjects. The course the party had adopted, preclud- 
ed any interference on their part, and the discussions have been the un- 
biased acts of its senior editor, whose forbearance had been taxed to 
its utmost limits, by the disgraceful* transactions he was compelled to 
witness. 

That the principal members of the Jackson republican party have 
felt this state of things with deep and undissembled regret and mortifi- 
cation, it would be useless to deny. Lot a brief consideration of the 
circumstances decide, whether or not this state of feeling was justifia- 
ble. The election of Gen. Jackson was advocated by a small, but spir- 
ited portion of our citizens, comprising members of the two ancient 
great political parties. .The disposition of Gen. Jackson to treat all 
his political friends as standing on the same party ground, whatever 
might have been the former differences among them, had been so often 



9 

proclaimed, and has been since so obviously the principle of his public 
measures, that his policy, in this respect, has never been the subject 
of a moment's distrust or uncertainty. For reasons which will be 
made manifest in the course of this discussion, the Statesman party 
professed to reject from the Jackson cause all who had not been'de- 
mocrats of the old school. Thg. Jackson republican party made it the 
basis of their measures, that all the advocates of Gen. Jackson who 
supported the principles of the Jefferson school, let their party appel- 
lations be what they might, should act together, in good faith and har- 
monious co-operation. That the president should give his exclusive 
confidence to the party in opposition to- the principle so frequently 
proclaimed as the basis, and made the guide of the measures of his ad- 
ministration, was not considered within the bounds of moral possibility. 
That federalists who had honestly joined the great national republican 
party, and been for many years, the sincere and ardent advocates of 
Gen. Jackson's.election, — who had devoted their talents, and expend- 
ed their money,*in life cause, — had suffered the proscriptions and per- 
secutions of their former political associates, and staked all their politi- 
cal hopes and prospects on this great national question, — should, on 
the occurrence of Gen. Jackson's elevation, be denounced and pro- 
scribed, — be deprived of ' all favor and shut out from all confidence, — 
be the %ictims at once of their* friends and their opponeuts, and reap, in 
victory, worse consequences than in defeat, — was a result which never, 
for one moment, disturbed their tranquility during the animated strug- 
gle. That this is, however, their present position in this common- 
wealth, and also that of the democrats who acted with them in the 
common cause, is a fact of indisputable notoriety. • That the president 
could "have intended to place them in this position, is a belief that can 
gain no entrance into an honest bosom, which professes a particle of 
confidence in the president's political integrity. The Jackson repub- 
lican party do not believe it, do not distrust- it, do not imagine it. The 
consciousness of their own existence is scarcely stronger than their 
deep conviction, that the true state of things was not known to the 
president when his appointments we're made, and is not now beheld by 
him with any degree of satisfaction. By what means he has been de- 
ceived, let the infamous Duff Green, and Isaac Hill, and the States- 
man party declare. The " open day and secret night transactions" of 
these profligate men, would, could they be made manifest, develope the 
hidden mystery of these perplexing events. 

But the apparent hostility of this state of things, to the obvious poli- 
cy of the present administration, and* to the avowed and often repeated 
principles of the president, is not the only cause of deep mortification 
to the' Jackson republican party. 

At the period of Gen. Jackson's accession, the prospect of -his po- 
litical friends, in this commonwealth, was full of consolation, and prom- 
ise, and hope. A large proportion of our citizens were friends of the 
late administration, not from any attachment to Mr. Adams, but from a 
patriotic impulse to support, with a just degree of confidence, the con- 
stituted authorities of this nation. Of the two great political parties, 



so 

the mas9 of the democrats alone were the devoted partizans of Mr. 
Adams — it was they who placed him in nomination, who gave him their 
organized party siipport, who proclaimed him as their party candidate, 
and who refused, to federalists, any participation in their measures. 
•He was emphatically the candidate of the democratic party of this com- 
monwealth, and as they were 'his supporters from preference, they 
would, of course, from the least sentiment of delicacy and honor, be the 
last to abandon his sinking cause. TJie federal party, on the contrary, 
as a body, might rather be considered'as acquiescing in Mr. Adams' 
administration, than as his partizans. His recent denunciation of them 
as traitors to his country, had still more alienated their sentiments from 
him, and prepared !hem for the support of Gen. Jackson's administra- 
tion. Our population, too, embraced a vast proportion of young men, 
who had never been classed in either of the great political parties. 
They had come cf age- since the federal party had ceased its active 
efforts, and were required to overcome no prejudices, nor encounter 
any odium of inconsistency, in becoming members of the Jackson na- 
tional republican party. At the time df Gen. Jackson's election they 
Were prepared to meet him with an honest confidence, and afford to his 
measures and his friends a "disinterested support. 

The republican party, too, strongly .attached as they were to Mr. 
Adams, necessarily lost the bond of their union in his fall, andf as they 
were never partizans of Mr. Clay, the prospect of their yielding, though 
a more protracted, yet a decided support of the new administration, 
was flattering in the extreme. In truth, «the political field was open, 
and almost abandoned, to the Jackson republican party. Their avow- 
ed principles, based»on the deepest foundation of the Jeflerson-school, 
their rejection of former senseless party prejudices, their liberal dis-' 
position to make common cause with Jackson men, who could unite 
with them on principle — prepared the way for their immediate, and 
scarcely disputed ascendency in this commonwealth. A large majori- 
ty of the newspapers in Boston, avowed their readiness to act in har- 
mony with our party, and there was not cause for a doubt, that in a 
few months, Massachusetts would have been added to the states which- 
supported the present administration. The Clay party, now so tri- 
umphant and overwhelming in this commonwealth, scarcely manifest- 
ed a consciousness of existence, and were debating whether they should 
not surrender the ground, without a struggle. I have not a doubt, but 
for a state of things I shall presently refer to, the first local election 
after the elevation of Gen. Jackson, would have shown the Jackson 
republican party in this city, at least fifteen hundred strong, at the 
polls.. 

The first check to these prosperous anticipations was. the declara- 
tion of 'Duff Green, soon after the result of the election was under- 
stood, that Gen. Jackson would receive no support but from the de- 
mocrats of Massachusetts, and would compel all others to go into an 
opposition. Most people, however, felt a perfect contempt for the up- 
start profligacy of this printer, and treated his threats with derision — 
but many, not knowing the sentiments of the great leaders of the Jack- 



11 

son party, waited for a further development before they would be com- 
mitted. The next act that startled apprehension, was the prompt ap- 
pointment of Andrew Dunlap to be district attorney — a man singularly 
obnoxious to the great body of our citizens, and whose appointment 
was a heavy blow to the prospects of any Jackson parly in this com- 
monwealth. Wild-tongued rumor, also, soon followed with its whis- 
pers of Mr. Green's designation for the Boston Post-office, and a dark 
heavy cloud settled on the sunny prospects of the Jackson cause. 
The policy proclaimed by Duff Green, for the first time began to gain 
entrance into the bosoms of considerate men ; and a determination 
not to recognise in its party, any but the exclusive democrats of Mas- 
sachusetts, was apprehended to be the policy of this administration. 
The incredibility of such a course alone prevented the great body of 
our people from giving it belief; when, finally, the appointment of 
Mr. Henshaw tc the electorship, a selection scarcely more fortu- 
nate, in any respect, than the others, was the overwhelming stroke to 
the Jac .son party. The whole patronage of the administration then, 
conferred on party grounds, was given to the party who acknowledged 
Duff Green for their idol, and made the proscription of the federal 
friends of Gen. Jackson, the basis of their party organization. To 
the important offices of the district attorney and the post-office, was 
now added, not only the collectorship of Boston, but the whole patron- 
age of the custom-house — a patronage which bestows an influence on 
the collector, scarcely inferior to that which the president of the U. 
States, from all other sources, can command in this commonwealth. 
Not only were the Jackson republican party excluded from all trusts, 
but their sentiments and views, in regard to removals and appointments, 
were never consulted. But the apparent policy to be persued in re- 
gard to them was not confined to neglect. Duff Green openly avowed, 
that not only should they be excluded from appointments, but that it 
should be reason enough to deprive any incumbent of his office, that 
he acted, in support of Gen. Jackson, as a member of the Jackson 
republican party. Accordingly, one of the earliest acts was the re- 
moval of William Little — a man much beloved, and popular with our 
citizens — a relic of the revolutionary army — a Jackson man, and the 
head of the most decided Jackson family in New-England — in the 
midst of his usefulness, and his health. He was removed even with 
marks of indignity, — as the civility of a notice to him was not regard- 
ed, and he went to his office and found another commissioned to dis- 
charge its duties. He was related by marriage to Col. Orne. M\ hile 
his associate, one of the most violent Adams men in our community, 
and certainly, I hazard nothing in saying, one who is little beloved, as 
an officer, by the great body of our merchants, is retained to this hour. 
Col. Arthur Lithgow, another relic of the revolution, was also dis- 
placed, for he had been a member of the Jackson republican party. 
And up to this moment, not a single member of that party has been 
placed in any office, on party grounds — Gen. Boyd, the only success- 
ful candidate, having claims, altogether, of a public character. 



12 

Notwithstanding the disposition of the community to meet the pres * 
ident " more than halfway" — and in spite of all the influence of patron- 
age and office, the whole Jackson party is at this time, less numer- 
ous than it was when the contest was doubtful. Although nearly nine 
hundred votes were cast for the Jackson electoral ticket, when the 
candidates were justly exceptionable, and exceedingly unpopular, our 
best informed friends despair of being able to collect round the Jackson 
standard in this city, five hundred votes. " Hinc illaz lachrymal?' 1 
This is cause enough, if an honorable Jackson man were to have no 
rest by day, nor peace by night — why his waking visions, and slum- 
bering dreams, should be full of (rouble and disquiet. When we think 
on what we were and might have been, and reflect on what we are, it 
is enough to sicken the heart, and palsy the energies of the mind, and 
to cause every friend among us of the present administration to stain 
the cheeks of manhood with a woman's tear, and bow the head of hu- 
mility in sack-cloth and ashes. This it is that has exemplified a po- 
litical problem which was once thought a moral impossibility — it has 
forced a revolution to go backwards, and brought forward a candidate 
to contend for the presidency who fell from it when in power. This is 
the reason why Henry Clay is rising triumphantly in this common- 
wealth, and, in a nautical phrase, looming large in the contest, when, 
recently he was politically prostrate and overthrown — and why he is 
threatening to be a formidable competitor for the presidency, who was 
recently unable to strengthen the coalition by the addition of a single 
vote. Is Anti-Janus hunting for secret enemies of the administration ? 
Let him open his eyes and behold here, among us, in broad day, those 
who bask in the sunshine of favor, and yet carry ruin and destruction 
to the cause they hail under. The enemy is in the citadel — who then 
can wonder that the fortress is in ruins ? columbus. 



COLUMBUS, NO. IV. 

I have said that the policy, which governed the president in his Bos- 
ton appointments, was incomprehensible at the time, and defies every 
effort at elucidation now ; and yet I am not unaware that motives have 
been assigned which may appear to some sufficient to explain it. But 
little examination is requisite to show that the mystery is not the less 
dark from any rays they can shed upon it. There are only two which 
strike with the least plausibility, and them I shall proceed to notice. 

The Jackson contest, it was said, was a democratic contest, and the 
policy of this administration was to retrace the lines of division between 
the old parties which had been obscured, and almost effaced, by the 
perplexed character of the recent political contests. But the asssertion 
is as destitute of fact, as the policy is of probability or justice. Feder- 
alists, as such, were no parties to the contest, and were contending 
with equal vehemence, and with no great disparity of numbers, in the 
opposing ranks. In some quarters Adams was as incontestibly the 
candidate of the republican party, as Jackson was in others ; and fed- 



13 

eralists advocated the cause of the one, in one section of the union, 
with the same earnestness they were opposing it in another. But the 
Statesman party, it is said, not only pressed this policy on the govern- 
ment, and reinforced it by the northern Jackson democratic delegation, 
but made magnificent pledges of the effect it would produce on this 
commonwealth. Massachusetts democrats were to go in a body to the 
feet of the President, and the administration flag triumphantly to float 
over the political edifices of this ancient metropolis. Under such lead- 
ers as Messrs. Henshaw, Dunlap, Greene, ct id omne genus, the state 
was to be brought into the true fold. By their appointment, the great 
strong hold of Adams was to be wrested from Clay, and the head of the 
opposition be crushed, before it should have time to gather itself up 
from its prostrate position. Four of the remaining five N. E. states 
would follow the example, from their democratic sympathies, while a 
doubtful or federal flag, in this state, would either prevent their acces- 
sion, or destroy their party ascendency. The importance of such re- 
sults, it is supposed, induced the administration to swerve a little from 
their own principles, and allow the sacrifice of a few of their friends for 
an object of such general interest. 

The absurdity of the idea that any respectable party would rally un- 
der such men, was no answer to the argument ; because the govern- 
ment might be deceived as to their character, and the estimation in 
which they were holden. Nor was the opposite fact, that under the 
banner of the Jackson republican party alone, any respectable portion 
of our people would rally, one of greater difficulty. The same errone- 
ous impression which attributed much weight to the Statesman party, 
might attribute little to ours. 

But the true objection is of a graver character, and explodes the 
absurd hypothesis to air. The policy would have been unprincipled 
and dishonorable, and every sentiment of Gen. Jackson's heart would 
have risen up against it in rebellion. What, sell his friends to pur- 
chase his enemies ! Abandon these who had fought for him, to invite to 
his arms those by whom he had been opposed and denounced ! Punish 
the soldiers who had gained the battle, to reward those who had dis- 
puted it ! Talk of his policy at the expense of his principles — of his 
private advantage in opposition to his public duties — of interest against 
honor ? He would not have sacrificed a man to have purchased his 
enemy's camp. The fidelity of a leader to his party is sheltered in the 
inmost recess of his heart, and before it can be violated in an honora- 
ble bosom, the heart must be bared to its last artery. The most preju- 
diced enemy he has, Mr. Clay himself, in the gall of his disappoint- 
ment, would not deny to Gen. Jackson the lofty aspirations of private 
honor. There is no policy however specious, there is no advantage 
however substantial, there is no consequence however appalling, that 
could win, or force him, to violate the fidelity of an honorable leader 
towards his political friends. If I could suspect one moment that the 
perfidy of so black a heart had fluttered in a single pulsation of his ar- 
teries, I would tear his badge from my dishonored head, and trample it 
in the dust. 1 do not doubt that such specious illusions were spread 



14 

out, by this degraded party, to influence politicians of a different sort. 
They might captivate the fancy of a Duff' Green, for they are on a 
level with his principles and his understanding. They might suit the 
politics of men around the president, — for jackalls ever follow in the 
wake of the lion, until they expose themselves to the noble animal, and 
are trodden down in his path — men whose morality knows no standard 
but interest, nor any merit but success. They might have seduced 
such men to second the ambitious objects of our demagogues, and to 
urge their appointment on grounds, to us indeed inscrutable, but more 
consistent with notions of elevated honor. But that they influenced 
the chief himself — nay, that there is a man in the country who dared to 
insult the head of this nation with the suggestion of such a policy, can 
only be credited when the republic is despaired of. Whatever did in- 
fluence the president to so inexplicable a course, it was not any policy 
to purchase his enemies by the sacrifice of his friends. 

And those who, acting from motives so ineffably execrable, have 
calculated to buy over the Adams democrats of Massachusetts, by 
selling the Jackson republican party here, or win them, by the reward of 
such leaders, have equally mistaken the character of our people, and 
the importance of their services — If the democratic states of New Eng- 
land are never brought within the fold until the democracy of Massa- 
chusetts hails under the Statesman banner, the hair that is not yet 
sprouted shall be first bleached, like snow, in the winters of age. 

The second ground, to which the policy of the government has been 
attributed, is one of a still more delicate character. Before a success- 
ful candidate fairly enters on the duties of his office, the agitated and 
unquiet passions of the age, speculate on his successor. — The devo- 
tion of Duff" Green to the elevation of Mr. Calhoun is not only notori- 
ous but undisscmbled. Being viewed, by the influence of unhappy cir- 
cumstances, as the organ of the present administration, the inclination 
of his views is supposed to indicate that of the cabinet. The States- 
man leaders, if such a term can be applicable to the front files of such 
a rabble, no doubt, pledged their fidelity to Mr. Calhoun — and such is 
their dependance on, and obligation to Duff" Green, that their ready ac- 
quiescence in his views, be they what they may, and be they for whom 
they may, is far from problematical. The certainty of obtaining this 
party, if their sacred pledge could make it certain, determined the poli- 
cy of the Telegraph ; while the different materials of which the Jack- 
son republican party was composed, and the independent characters 
of the men around whom that party rallied, satisfied the intriguing prin- 
ter, that they could neither be bought nor driven, to a premature de- 
cision on the prospective contest. Duff Green could make no calcula- 
tions on a party which, he had well ascertained, rejected him as a 
leader. If he could not make them follow, he could strengthen those 
who did ; and this, and another reason of a more private and interested 
character, which I shall hereafter refer to, induced him to embrace the 
Statesman party, and denounce ours. In his policy he had, beyond a 
doubt, many coadjutors on the spot. It has governed those who have 
exercised, and might have claims to exercise, much influence with the 



15 

president. The friendly disposition towards the Statesman party, mani- 
fested by so many, at the seat of government, had this for its cause. 
And yet the fact presents a strange anomaly. 

One of the causes which influenced a portion of the opposition to Mr. 
Adams in this quarter, was, undoubtedly, a question of national inter- 
est connected with our manufactures. A part of the mercantile com- 
munity apprehended danger to their commerce from the system of 
domestic protection, as it was actually modified. They supported the 
Jackson cause from their views of national interest. Being deeply en- 
gaged in commercial pursuits, they were necessarily men of influence 
and standing in our community. The Statesman party was not re- 
spectable enough to permit the possibility of a co-operation with them 
by men of such a standing. Our merchants, in general, have either 
no party character, or have been federalists. Such men the Statesman 
denounces Self respect would permit, on their part, a connexion only 
with the Jackson republicans. They would not enlist as the followers 
of any man in a prospective contest, but their bias must have insensi- 
bly been towards the policy of a southern candidate. That the partizan 
printer of such a candidate should denounce these men, excites a deep- 
er admiration of his boldness than of his wisdom. 

Many have suspected Mr. Calhoun as the abettor of the hostility 
towards the Jackson republicans. I cannot agree with them. That 
his friends have acted so with a view to his benefit is inconlestible, but 
it would require an effort to believe that they were sanctioned by him. 
He is not the first man who has been injured by the injudicious zeal of 
his friends. 

But this throws no light upon the policy of the president. He is not 
the partizan of Mr. Calhoun. Let his opinions of Mr. Calhoun's quali- 
fications and claims be what they may, the wish to influence a future 
choice of president, has never dictated his slightest measure. On this 
subject he is as inflexible as he is honest. And whatever influence the 
injudicious friends of Mr. Calhoun may have exerted for his benefit, the 
advancement of his cause has not been the motive they have holden 
out to the president. Whenever his policy in sacrificing us is brought 
to light, be it what it may, it was not the advancement of Mr. Cal- 
houn's election. We speak upon this subject with confidence, and we 
speak with authority. The Jackson republican party may have been 
sacrificed by the friends of Mr. Calhoun, with a view to advance his 
cause and that too, we believe on our souls, without his sanction or 
desire ; but the fact throws no light on the policy of the executive. It 
is as inscrutable as it is surprising. It sets reasoning at defiance. Im- 
agination cannot grasp it. The astonishment it excited when it was 
first promulgated, continues still, and neither reason, nor sentiment, 
nor party fidelity, nor the services of the past, nor the interests of the 
future, throw a ray of light on the darkness of its mysteries. 

COLUMBUS. 



16 



COLUMBUS, NO. V. 

The charge of a "/enceman," made by Anti-Janus against Col. 
Orne, is the most remarkable that unblushing impudence, perhaps, 
ever dared to hazard in the face of an intelligent community. It is almost 
impossible to treat it with gravity. There is not a man from Maine 
to the Mississippi — from the Atlantic frontier to the remotest point in 
our western forests to which the pioneers of civilization have advan- 
ced, who from the commencement of the contest for the choice of a 
successor to Mr. Monroe, up to the present hour, has been more free 
from any thing equivocal in his politics, or is less obnoxious to the ap- 
pellation of a fenceman. I make this assertion in the strongest possi- 
ble sense in which it can be understood. He is the last man in the 
community against whom such a charge has any color of foundation, 
and it is the last of all charges which should be made against him. 

By a fenceman I understand one whose leading object it is to be 
with the successful party, and who decides to join it, only after its suc- 
cess, at least to himself, is sufficiently indicated. One who " hur- 
ras " most vehemently for the triumph, but who is especially careful to 
be away from the danger. A self-interested man who aims to share 
in the fruits of victory, but withholds his aid from the struggle. — In 
this section of the country, where the conduct of political men is un- 
der the public observation, the notorious falshood of this charge ren- 
ders its denial apparently an act of supererogation. There is not a 
man who makes such a charge but a knave, nor one who believes it 
but a dupe. The intriguing leader of the Statesman party, who them- 
selves so well know its absolute falsity, chuckle in wonder that the 
effrontery of unblushing assertion can impose so successfully on the 
ignorance of remote conductors of the press, as to procure it some 
currency. 

A slight recurrence to the history of the parties formed in this quar- 
ter; in relation to the controversy for president, is alone requisite to 
show the wanton malice of its character 

When the election of a successor to Mr. Monroe was first in agita- 
tion, the great mass of the voters in this commonwealth indicated a 
preference of Mr. Adams, while the residue, a comparatively small 
minority, prefered Mr. Crawford. The present Jackson party is 
composed mainly of the Crawford party, with the addition of some 
tew who would have prefered Mr. Clay, some still fewer who were 
more particularly in favour of Mr. Calhoun, and, some, who in the 
course of the contest, after Gen. Jackson had been placed in nomina- 
tion, manifested their fust preference for him. — Long before Gen. 
Jackson had been named as a candidate, Col. Orne openly announced 
his determination to support. Mr. Crawford, and was the first man, in 
point of time, in this commonwealth, who took ground against Mr. 
Adams He commenced the presidential campaign here by advoca- 
ting, in the columns of the Boston Statesman, the election of Mr. 
Crawford. It is impossible to immagine a state of things less invit- 



17 

ing to a non-commital, or fenccman. The parties through the United 
States, at that time, had hardly hegun to break ground ; and here, in 
this state, we had a moral certainty of toiling in a minority, which, 
whatever might be the fate of the party at large, could not fail to be 
proscribed and persecuted at home. The timid and time serving pol- 
iticians, consequently, had no hesitation as to their course. What- 
ever might be their secret preference, they well knew that the coun- 
sels of prudence led them to Mr. Adams. In any event they were 
secure of the state government, with all its advantages ; and, if suc- 
cess crowned their efforts, they would add, to that of the state, the 
monopoly of the national patronage ; while in the event of failure, 
they would constitute so powerful a minority that their opposition would 
be feared, and their support conciliated. No man who was not con- 
stitutionally, and in principle, bold, resolute, determined, and firm, — 
who would not adhere to his side through danger and difficulties, 
and sink or swim by the event of the contest, — would have engaged 
in the forlorn hope of heading an opposition in this commonwealth. 
He who was the first to engage must, by the course of circumstances, 
be the last to give up. To such a man there was no door to retreat 
through. The loss of the contest was the loss of every thing, state or 
national, county, district or municipal. There was- no political sup- 
port to fall back upon, no trust to which he could retreat, in the ex- 
ecutive, legislative or judicial departments of the national or state gov- 
ernments. The event of failure was the loss of every thing to which 
a politician could aspire — was a rout entire and universal, " horse, 
foot and dragoons." The contest was to be conducted with immense 
labor, and, for the parties, at an immense expense. Yet in this con- 
test, so hazardous and so eventful, Col. Orne engaged, and engaged 
the first; and he knows nothing of the politics of this state, on this oc- 
casion, who does not know that it was a contest he was the most, reso- 
lute to conduct, and the last to abandon. 

It were now vain to reflect upon the obvious and important errors 
committed in this state by the Crawford party. The public sentiment, 
although strongly inclining to Mr. Adams, yet was anxiously bent upon 
preserving the integrity of the great national republican party. Its 
preference of Mr. Adams was not, at first, so strong, as to induce it 
to support him at the hazard of the division and downfall of the party. 
In the result of a party nomination, our electors were strongly disposed 
to acquiesce. They still preferred their party to their candidate, or 
rather they were disposed, in conformity with the established disci- 
pline of the republican party here, to waive their personal preferences, 
and support him as their candidate, who should be that of their party. 
It was the policy of the Crawford party to obtain for him the party 
nomination ; and while they avowed their willingness to abide by the 
result, they should have advocated his nomination by the party, with 
all possible openness and frankness, zeal and solicitude. Such was 
the policy of Col. Orne. But in this he was opposed, and successful- 
ly opposed, by the selfishness, caution and timidity of the present 
Statesman leaders. That they were opposed to Mr." Adams could on- 



18 

}y be suspected by their caution to avoid being committed in his favor. 
The Statesman was filled for years with solemn asseverations that it was 
not opposed to Mr. Adams, nor a partizan paper of Mr. Crawford. Its 
course was timid, hesitating, indirect and deceitful. If it copied an 
article in favor of Mr. Crawford, the timid hare does not sooner leap 
at the approach of the hunter, than this selfish paper did, to defend it- 
self from an imputation that it supported his election. It was in vain that 
Col. Orne, and he alone, advocated a cause at once more manly, hon- 
orable and efficient. The non-committal system prevailed — the cau- 
tious selfishness of the Statesman leaders controlled him, and secret 
manceuvering was substituted for open, manly support. The result 
was but too obvious. The cause that was too weak to be avowed, 
was too hazardous to be supported ; and the fencemen, the great mass 
of politicians at the beginning of a contest, all decided against us. 
The opposite bolder course might have kept a part, and there was a 
chance of keeping a respectable part, of our voters, uncommitted, un- 
til the party should make a nomination. But languid efforts and dis- 
sembled attachment frightened them all away, and" fear admitted intc 
party politics, betrayed, like treason." 

In another important respect the course of the paper departed fron 
his views, and injured the party. However bold, and resolute, anc 
unequivocal were the sentiments of Col. Orne, he never failed to urge 
upon the conductors of that paper, a regard for decency and propriety 
in its language. Coarse and vulgar abuse of the opposing candidates 
was not adapted to the intelligence, or taste, of our community ; il 
mio-ht degrade ourselves, but could not advance our object. He wish- 
ed the opposing candidates might be treated with courtesy and fairness 
and the cause placed on the broad ground of its connexion with oui 
political institutions, and our national prosperity. He wished, in one 
word, the course of the paper to be as dignified, and respectable as 
the " Jackson Republican" was, in the contest which has just ended 
The paper was, however, controlled by different councils, and its tone 
was lowered to the level of Billingsgate scurrility. The opposing can- 
didates were, when at length the Statesman was compelled to take its 
ground, treated in the manner which has since characterized the de- 
portment of the paper towards Mr. Adams. There was no newspa- 
per in the country more remarkable for its vindictiveness of temper, 
and disregard of decency, in its political discussions — and there has 
scarcely been a paper since which has abused Gen. Jackson in more 
bold or unqualified terms. The most degrading caricature of Gen 
Jackson which has ever been drawn in this quarter, was exhibited by 
Nathl. Green in his counting room on the floor of Merchants Hall, un- 
til the undissembled disgust, even of the friends of Mr. Adams, com- 
pelled him to remove it. The violent pamphlet of Jesse Benton, in 
abuse of the General, was encouraged and applauded, and even the 
muse of scurrility was invoked to defame him in doggerel rhyme. It 
were a curious employment to turn over the files of that paper if any 
could be found, during the last contest, to examine a little the tone o\ 
its discussions. If an Adams paper can be found which has treated 



19 

Gen. Jackson with less decency, it would be gratifying to learn what 
part of the country gave it encouragement. Its attachment to Gen. 
Jackson, will, however, sufficiently appear by a single sentence pub- 
lisbed in tbat paper Oct. 12 — 18"2-1, at almost the last moment of the 
contest, in relation to Gen. Jackson, and, I believe, Mr. Calhoun. 

" Mr. Benton," it says, (in relation to t lie celebrated pamphlet of 
Mr. Jesse Benton) " has done his duty nobly — he has exposed to the 
world enough of the errors and intrigues of these two men, to disquali- 
fy them forever from [for] the otlice of President." 

Up to the eventful moment of the decision, the friends of Mr. Craw- 
ford did every thing for him that undaunted spirit, and untiring exer-* 
tion, could accomplish. But their success was by no means in propor- 
tion to their efforts. The languor at the commencement enfeebled 
every subsequent exertion, and the cause which men were afraid to 
avow, was irretrievably lost when their courage was sufficiently stimu- 
lated to support it. It is needless to trace out the immediate conse- 
quences. The friends of Mr. Adams rejoiced, and lorded it proudly 
over us. We returned depressed and dispirited into a minority, but 
having foreseen and embraced the alternative, we felt no disposition 
to murmur at the weight of the arm which was made to fall upon us. 
Objects of political support no where, and of proscription at home, wo 
endured the consequences, — and to those whose position depended on 
the public favor, they were consequences of no slight magnitude — 
with fortitude and resignation. The evil was severely felt by those 
whose career was political, or whose profession or pursuits made them 
to depend on the favor of a government, or the support of a party. 
The dealers in drugs, and feathers, and paints, might sustain no in- 
convenience in their private pursuits, for houses might still be 
painted, and chambers furnished with carpets, and exhausted nature 
ask beds and matresses to repose upon — the rich man might still lan- 
guish for his healing drug, and the cheapest venders find their full 
proportion of purchasers, although their politics might render them ob- 
jects of no favor. But the public man was made to feel, in every 
avenue that he entered, the full measure of the evil he had drawn on 
his head. 

In the course of a year after the ascendancy of Mr. Adams, distinct 
indications appeared that his administration did not attract any extra- 
ordinary proportion of the public confidence. An opposition party was 
formed, and the Crawford party of this state prepared once more to 
engage in the approaching contest. The course pursued by different 
portions of the party will be the subject of other numbers. For the 
present, however, I will only remark, that it would indeed be a subject 
of singular curiosity, if another campaign should find men changing 
their characters, the timid to become firm, and the irresolute decided, 
while the boldest, the most undaunted, and the most reckless of con- 
sequences, should dwindle down to the timid and time serving parti- 
zans — " non-committal and fence men." 

During the series of years involved in this protracted struggle, the 
Crawford party were never strong enough to engage, as a party, in our 
3 



20 

state or municipal contests. On local subjects they endeavored to act 
with their republican brethern, however widely they differed from them 
in the presidential controversy. The character of the respective con- 
tests was kept distinct, and the old party lines continued to be traced 
with unyielding pertinacity. Men violently opposed in the presiden- 
tial contest, acted together with equal vehemence in our state elections ; 
and a curious confusion of parties was exhibited, changing, like the 
evolutions of a battle ground, as the state and national banner were 
successively displayed. For reasons which the slightest delicacy will 
comprehend without recital, Col. Orne took no part in any contest ex- 
cept that which had an immediate reference to the presidential elec- 
tion. He attended no caucus, whether municipal, district, county or 
state, in reference to state elections, and none in reference to congres- 
sional elections, as the Crawford party never ran a candidate. Wheth- 
er Mr. Gorham, Mr. Webster, or Mr. Putnam succeeded, was a ques- 
tion only for the Adams party ; and each Crawford man supported the 
candidate who best commanded his personal confidence. In this course 
Col. 0. affected no secresy. It was notoriously known to all his per- 
sonal and political friends, who yielded their respect, or affected to 
yield it, to the motives which governed him. In the midst of his ani- 
mated exertions to support Mr. Crawford, his unwillingness to engage 
in state politics was openly proclaimed. As early as 1823 or 1824, 
when Mr. Eustis was first chosen Governor, this determination of 
Col. Orne was proclaimed through the press. The central committee 
of the state, for the Federal party, charged him, in their circular, with 
holding a valuable judicial trust, through the liberality of their party, 
and yet engaging with violence in the contest to oppose them — with 
being actually an editor of the Statesman newspaper. This charge 
was publicly denied through the columns of the Boston Centinel, and 
his neutrality in that contest, as well as his want of editorial connexion 
with the Boston Statesman, distinctly asserted. When did it enter the 
heart of man, to believe or pretend, the withdrawing from state poli- 
tics indicated indifference to the national contest ? It remained for 
other times to wrest a subsequent, similar act, to so absurd a motive, — 
for wanton calumny to make the charge, and for truth to refute it. 

COLUMBUS. 



COLUMBUS, NO. VI. 

The election of Mr. Adams depressed, for a while, the hopes and 
spirits of the Crawford party. To the excitement of the contest suc- 
ceeded the languor and prostration of hopeless defeat. To win over 
to his side the great body of the Crawford party, appeared to be the 
first and leading object of Mr. Adams' administration. For this pur- 
pose the principal officers of his cabinet, and a large portion of his dip. 
lomatic appointments, were given to Crawford's political friends. The 
small party in this state were too weak to render their conciliation an 
object, and the proffered amnesty was not made to embrace them. 



21 

They watched with solicitude the course of their friends in other sec- 
tions of the country, until they saw, with undissembled satisfaction, that 
the great mass of the Crawford party were of too elevated a character 
to be bought. The sentiment given by the leader himself, that Mr. 
Adams should be judged by his measures, appeared to be that of the 
country. But the session of Congress, in the winter of 1825-6, shew 
that an opposition, of a most formidable character to the administration, 
would be formed. The project of the Panama mission, of entangling 
our politics with the affairs of other countries, gave the first impulse to 
the opposition, and rendered it apparent that it would embrace, not only 
the whole Jackson party, but an immense proportion of that of Mr. 
Crawford. The discussions on this measure were obviously the com- 
mencement of the Jackson campaign ; the Crawford party made com- 
mon cause with the Jackson, and the indications were by no means 
equivocal that General Jackson would be the candidate. 

This measure excited much interest among the Crawford men in this 
state. The support of the Panama project, and the opposition to it, 
was the line of division between the two great parties, afterwards de- 
signated as those of the administration, and of the opposition. The 
campaign, in this contest, as in that which had terminated, was opened 
in this state by Col. Ome, who opposed the Panama project at length, 
in several numbers, published in the Boston Statesman, under the sig- 
nature of an " Old Republican." These numbers were written, and 
many of them in the press, before the injunction of secresy was re- 
moved from the proceedings of the Senate. A comparison of the ob- 
jections urged by Old Republican, with those taken by the leading 
senators of the Jackson party, as appeared by their speeches after- 
wards published, will show a perfect concurrence of political and par- 
ty views. Some of these numbers were republished in the Washington 
Telegraph, and if the infamous Duff Green was then its editor, of 
which I am not certain, his own files can bear testimony at what an 
early period Col. Orne was active in the Jackson cause. My impres- 
sion is that he was the only writer in the Statesman, at that time, on the 
politics of the national parties— but as all his writings were under that 
signature, a reference to the files of the paper can determine it. At 
that time there was no apparent jealousy in the Crawford or Jackson 
ranks, as they were indiscriminately called, in this quarter. The first 
subject of difference, and it was not supposed to be one very serious 
at the time, was in relation to the state elections in the spring of 1826. 

As Mr. Adams had been supported both by the federal and democrat- 
ic parties in this state, his election necessarily involved some confu- 
sion of the old party lines. The administration party embraced the 
mass of both the old parties, while the opposition party was the minori- 
ty of each. Still the old party jealousies were too fresh to admit of a 
perfect consolidation, and federalists and democrats were continued to 
be the rallying party words of many. For the democratic party to be 
successful, the union among the Adams and Jackson democrats, in the 
state elections, was essential. This union was attempted— a proper 
proportion of candidates was selected for the senate, from each party 






22 

in this county, and success crowned the effort. This was in April, 
]826. In the following May, the election for representatives came on 
for the city. A " host " of some thirty or forty, as nearly as I recol- 
lect, was to be chosen. Of these the Jackson democrats were entitled 
to at least one third ; but when the list was promulgated it was seen 
with mortification and astonishment, that two only of those who were 
nominally Jack-on men, Messrs. John K. Simpson and Andrew Dun- 
lap, were upon it ; and these were very far from being acceptable se- 
lections. The Jackson party was indignant, and considered itself be- 
trayed. Such a connexion was a virtual abandonment of the opposi- 
tion, — was in effect a surrender of our party colors — was the betrayal 
and sale of the Jackson cause for the miserable equivalent of making 
David Henshaw a senator, and John K. Simpson and Andrew Dunlap 
members of the house. A meeting was held of the principle members 
of the Jackson party, and their dissatisfaction loudly expressed. They 
endeavored to effect a more acceptable arrangement, but failed, and 
determined, sooner than submit to the fatal consequences of such trea- 
son, to defeat, if they could, the election. They therefore agreed on 
a third ticket, with a view of dividing the votes : this was in a great 
measure accomplished, a few only of the number being chosen, but, 
most unfortunately, in that number were John K. Simpson and Andrew 
Dunlap. The high and honorable character of this latter gentleman, 
will be illustrated by a single anecdote. Two of the gentleman who 
had met in caucus, indignant at the sale of the Jackson party, and who 
had pledged themselves to support the third ticket, were zealously be- 
set by Mr. Dunlap, and urged to distribute, at the polls, the Mams and 
Clay ticket. This, he said, would be a masterly manoeuvre, would 
make their peace with the Adams and Clay party, and probably con- 
ciliate towards them its support. The sacred pledge of political honor 
to support the ticket of their nomination, was no obstacle, in the view 
of this high minded man, in the way of his " masterly manoeuvre." 

Among those who opposed this sale of the Jackson party, Col. 
Orne was conspicuous, for though aloof from the state contests, except 
when they directly involved the interests of the presidential controver- 
sy, he could not regard this measure with indifference. He viewed it 
as destructive of the interests of the presidential party — nay more, as 
an act, on the part of the few men elected, viz. Messrs. Henshaw, Dun- 
lap and Simpson, as a secession from the opposition, and a virtual ac- 
cession to the Adams party. The event justified his apprehensions. 
Messrs. Henshaw, Simpson and Dunlap became legislators, and if 
they ever, during the time, made an effort in the Jackson cause, or ut- 
tered a sentiment in its support, it totally escaped the observation of 
the writer. Upon that subject he is indeed very incredulous to this 
hour. Their official acts show a determined support for candidates for 
the 17. S. Senate, of Adams men, while the only Jackson man put in 
nomination was brought forward by that indexible and honorable parti- 
zan, the Hon. Mr. Seaver of Roxbury. There was not however 
another Jackson man to second his nomination. During this political 
year the Statesman played its cautious and non committal game. The 



23 

Jackson cause slumbered in this commonwealth, and as his determined 
partizans were without a newspaper, the prospects of an opposition 
party here were exceedingly discouraging. During this political year 
I had no political conversation with Mr. Henshaw, and do not there- 
fore speak of his sentiments on my own knowledge ; hut I have been 
credibly informed, and believe, that the opinions he 'expressed of Gen. 
Jackson, were as full of violence and denunciation as those of any Ad- 
ams man in the commonwealth. If this be denied > I shall name such 
authorities as have been stated to me, and leave the fact open for ex- 
planation. Repeated attempts were also made to procure the inser- 
tion, in the Statesman, of articles published in other quarters of the 
union, favorable to Gen. Jackson, but without success. Mr. Greene 
did not care, as he said, a **** for Gen. Jackson, but regarded his 
own interest. lie had suffered enough for the public — he was now 
for himself. The want of a Jackson paper was the cause of serious 
regret to the Jackson party. One gentleman, in the warmth of his 
feelings, offered to subscribe five hundred dollars towards the expense 
of procuring one. 

The Federal friends of Gen. Jackson were in equal perplexity. The 
most earnest attempts were made by them to induce a federal paper to 
embark in his cause ; but they were equally disappointed. Neither 
the advance of funds, nor any other inducement, could effect their ob- 
ject. Towards the close of the political year, however, in the spring 
of 18-7, a Mr. Reinhart attempted to supply the deficiency, and came 
out with his prospectus for a Jackson paper, to be called the " North 
American Democrat." He had no funds of his own to establish a pa- 
per, and proposed to publish it but once a week. The project was not 
well received, for several reasons. A paper was wanted to advocate 
the cause of Gen. Jackson, independent of other political differences — ■ 
one of great temper and discn tion, as well as of decision and firmness. 
To Mr. Reinhart's qualifications the friends of Gen. Jackson generally 
were strangers. A paper that should be published more frequently, 
was also desired — but the main reason was ( ne which we shall explain, 
directly, more at large — a prospect which then began to appear that 
the Statesman woukl leave its neutral position, and come out openly 
for Jackson. Col. Orne had not much confidence in the success of 
Mr. Reinhart's project, but, ready as he was always to encourage any 
effort for his party, he agreed to subscribe towards the establishment of 
the paper, as much as others, ils principal friends. Mr. Reinhart 
could not raise the funds, and abandoned the project. He left Boston 
with an intention of procuring, if he could, a connexion with Duff 
Green, and the Washington Telegraph. Having no acquaintance 
with Mr. Green, he applied to Col. Orne for a letter of introduction. 
As that gentleman was also a stranger to Duff Green, he could only 
give him one, as from a member of the party in whose behalf Mr. 
Green was engaged Such a letter was written — and if it was ever de- 
livered, the infamous Duff' Green, had, in his own hands, in the spring 
of 1827, the written testimonial of C< 1 Orne, of his attachment to the 
cause. As Col. Orne had very little acquaintance with Mr. Reinhartj 



24 

he could conceive no motive for his application to him, other than a be- 
lief that he was the prominent friend of Gen Jackson in this quarter. Yet 
the infamous Duff Green is the man who wishes to impress it on the 
community that Col. Orne was a /e«cemn« until within a year of the 

election ! 

The prospect of*a more direct and manly course on the part of the 
Statesman arose from the result of the projected union between the Ad- 
ams party, and Messrs. Henshaw, Simpson and Dunlap. The princi- 
pal leaders, as well federal as democratic, of the Adams party, saw its 
disunion in relation to state politics with undissembled regret. Great 
efforts were accordingly made to effect an union, or, as it was called in 
the quaint language of the day, an amalgamation ; and they were suc- 
cessful. A ticket was agreed upon both for senators and repre- 
sentatives, in which the Adams party had confidence, and in which 
the names of Henshaw, Simpson and Dunlap, were not contained. 
The Jacksonism of the Statesman, therefore, at once flamed out, 
and men disappointed in state politics began to play their game on 
the broader scale of the presidential contest. From this moment 
appeared in their movements a scarcely suppressed resentment to- 
wards Col. Orne. His opposition to their union with the Adams 
and Clay party on terms of 'such ruinous inequality, — for the sole 
advantage, in fact, of gratifying the little longings of these would 
be statesmen, to figure in the newspapers as honorables and 'squirts, 

provoked a hostility which no considerations of political honor or 

party interest could appease. To injure him was undoubtedly the 
fixed determination of these men, from that moment, but their hos- 
tility was disguised by smiles, and strong expressions of personal at- 
tachment. The accession of these men, and of the Statesman 
newspaper to the Jackson cause, took place in the spring of 1827. 
But a circumstance soon occurred to show how much reliance could 
be placed on their consistency. 

Early in 18*27, if I remember correctly, Mr. Webster was chosen 
to the U. S. senate, and vacated, in consequence, his seat in the 
house, as the representative of this district. Mr. Gotham was cho- 
sen as his successor — but Mr. Henshaw, whose political elevation 
had awakened an ambition to take a higher and a wider flight, cast 
his eyes too on this political boon. If the man had possessed the 
smallest knowledge of his standing in this community, he might 
well have anticipated the result. He obtained some four or five 
hundred votes, out of many thousands. His ambition, however, 
would have been overlooked as the ebullition of an idle vanity, if 
his course had not again seriously injured the Jackson party. In- 
stead of offering himself as the candidate of the party, he caught at 
one of those occasional collisions in the public sentiment which set 
party discipline at defiance. The tariff policy excited much feeling 
among our merchants, and many were determined to vote for no 
candidate, whose opposition to the tariff was not explicit and avow- 
ed. Mr. Henshaw tried to mount this hobby, but he would not go 
— if our merchants wanted an anti-tariff man, they did not want him, 



25 

and although the federalists were solicited most pitcously to support 
him, they were hard-hearted enough to turn a deaf ear. 

There is something so much like political prostitution in solicit- 
ing emhraces from whatever quarter they may come. — or courting 
the favor of any party who may be won, whatever their principles or 
their objects may be, that the exhibition of it is usually excessively 
disgusting to the honorable politician. But in this case the dropping 
of the Jackson flag to raise one against the tariff, was peculiarly inju- 
rious to the Jackson cause. The Harrisburg Convention was then, 
by a master stroke, endeavoring to identify the tariff policy with the 
Adams administration, and to place Gen. Jackson in the opposing 
ranks. The line would have been fatal to his prospects. The whole 
of the middle, and some of the western, as well as all the northern 
states, would have been driven, irretrievably, from his cause. It was 
the master spring in motion to overthrow our cause, by compelling 
Gen. Jackson to avow the tariff policy and lose the south, or disclaim 
it and sacrifice all the rest of his support. It was a wily game, and it 
was cunningly played ; but Heaven, and our good cause, enabled us 
to elude it. The only safety to the party, was in separating the Jack- 
son cause from the embarrassing tariff question. At such a moment 
for a Jackson man in this quarter to identify his cause with the oppo- 
sition to the tariff, evinced an obtusiveness in politics discreditable in 
school-boys. As Mr. Henshaw was not run as a Jackson candidate, 
and it is really exceedingly doubtful whether, at that time, he had 
done an act, or uttered a sentiment, in his favor, the Jackson party 
might have eluded the folly of the measure, and such as were friend- 
ly to the tariff, might even have opposed him with propriety, if the 
Statesman had not declared in his favor. But this paper was then the 
only one among us, ostensibly or really friendly to Jackson ; its candi- 
date was necessarily viewed as that of the party — and the folly was 
only made the more injurious by the recollection of the fact, that the 
Statesman was established to support the protecting system, and had al- 
ways avowed its attachment to it. A more shuffling and contemptible 
inconsistency was never incurred for the miserable object of gratifying 
private ambition ; and never was the policy of abandoning establish- 
ed principles to run after temporary expedients, more fatally exempli- 
fied. To say that Col. Orne disapproved of this measure, had no hand in 
it, refused it support, is but feebly to express his sentiments. — He view- 
ed it with deep and undissembled disgust and mortification. He ex- 
pressed his feelings openly, and gained but an additional claim to the 
hostility of intriguing politicians. They smothered their resentment for 
a while ; but the fire was now kindling beneath the ashes which was 
soon afterwards to burst out in livid flames, and to rage but the more 
vehemently for the momentary check which was placed on its pro- 
gress. COLUMBUS. 



2G 



COLUMBUS, NO. VII. 

After the contest in this congressional district for the choice of a 
successor to Mr. Webster, there was no public occasion on which the 
Jackson party was called to act, until the winter following, of 1827 — 8. 
The time was rapidly approaching when the presidential contest was 
to commence in good earnest, and for arrangements to support the 
candidates at the polls. The recurrence of the anniversary of the 8th 
of January presented an occasion for a distinct Jackson movement, 
and it was zealously embraced by the party. The attempts made to 
coalesce with the Adams men having fai'ed, and Messrs. Henshaw, 
Simpson and Dunlap, having been rather indignantly driven from that 
party, a zealous support of the presidential contest was anticipated, as 
well as a harmonious co-operation among those who had been, in some 
degree, alienated by the conduct above-mentioned. 

The arrangements for a dinner celebration are generally left to 
those who have a taste for such things, and will take on themselves 
the trouble and responsibility of making them. The whole control and 
directions are yielded to those who begin the movement, and this in 
perfect confidence that thev will regard the interests and harmonv of 
the party, in whose behalf they profess to act. On this occasion Mr. 
Dunlap and some five or six others, assumed the responsibility, and 
selected the committee of arrangements. The members of the party, 
as is usual, took no other interest in the proceedings than to place their 
names on the subscription paper when it was offered them. As this 
was a military celebration, and Gen. Boyd was not only a distinguish- 
ed military commander, but among the earliest and most decided of 
Gen. Jackson's friends, the party, and the public generally, expected 
to see him preside on the occasion. But the selfish projects, which 
we shall soon detail more at length, but which were not then suspect- 
ed by any but the conspirators, led to a different determination by the 
committee of arrangements, who had been selected carefullv for the 
purpose. The mot.'esl Mr. Henshaw, who is so unwilling to receive 
honors from the government, and is still more diffident when they are 
awarded by his fellow-citizens, had not yet received quite enough of 
the favors of the party, but consented, very reluctantly no doubt, to 
bear the honors of the day. The other arrangements were made in a 
similiar spirit of intrigue. The only notice taken of Col. Orne was to 
receive from him the price of his ticket, and afterwards an additional 
sum to meet the excess in the expenditures. The low, mean cunning 
of this course, neither surprised, nor gave him any anxiety. Satisfied 
that the great body of the Jackson party here would do him justice, 
he saw with equal indifference and contempt, the jealousy and hostili- 
ty of the intriguing managers. The 8th of January dinner was follow- 
ed in March by another^ official party act. A Jackson caucus was 
holden, and resolutions were adopted in favor of the Jackson cause ; 
these had been prepared beforehand by the intriguers — but they were 
submitted to, and hastily revised by a committee of the meeting, on 



27 

which Col. Orne was placed. The same meeting nominated a Jack- 
son list of senators, on which Col. Orne's name also was found, but 
which, it seems, not being intended by the intriguers, gave them great 
dissatisfaction and uneasiness. It was then perceived that the people 
could not be made tbe instruments to gratify their hostility to Col. 
Orne ; and these unprincipled men decided on another expedient, 
which, for its outrageous character, may challenge comparison with 
the most execrable profligacy which has ever disgraced the conduct of 
any party in this government. It was then decided tbat the Jackson 
party should be allowed no further voice in the measures which should 
be adopted. Having the control, in their own hands, of the only pa- 
per in the service of the party, they felt able to effect their object, if 
they could wrap their proceedings in sufficient mystery. And it was 
not until the full measure of their iniquities appeared, that even sus- 
picion was aroused ; for«the man must have a black heart, who could 
have apprehended measures of such enormity. This plan was for the 
intriguers themselves to take from the people the nomination of elec- 
tors, and put up such men as they could depend on to aid them, not 
only for this district, but for the whole commonwealth. The manner 
in which they effected their object, I shall now proceed to relate. 

The Jackson party was nominally organized by the committees call- 
ed county and ward committees, comprehending from one hundred and 
twenty, to one hundred and sixty persons, in number. These men 
had been placed on the committees in a very irregular manner, at va- 
rious times, in reference to a great variety of political objects ; but 
their choice, although intended to be an annual act of the party, had 
not been submitted to the people for some years. When preparing 
for the Jackson campaign, the correct course was to call for a regular 
organization by the people friendly to the cause, but this might defeat 
the object. By the rules of the committee, notifications were to be 
specially sent to each member of the committee, when a meeting was 
to be convened. As meetings were sometimes necessary to transact 
business of little import, a common notification, wherein no special ob- 
ject was indicated, would ordinarily procure the attendance of about 
twenty members only. When the intriguers were prepared for the 
attempt, they called a meeting of the committees without giving the 
special notification required by the rules, and without intimating the 
importance of the object. The consequence was, not one man in five 
of the committee knew of the meeting, and still fewer knew its object. 
Of the whole body of ward and county committees, there were short of 
eighteen members present. The business was then declared to be to 
choose delegates, about twenty in number, I think, on behalf of the 
friends of Gen. Jackson in Boston, to attend, what they were to call, 
a legislative convention. The meeting accordingly proceeded to 
choose twenty delegates, carefully designating, of course, a majority 
who were in the secret. They, of course, also, were especially care- 
ful that Col. Orne was not of the number; he, indeed, was wholly un- 
informed that the project was in agitation. The same number of 
committee men then proceeded to designate two of the candidates for 
4 



28 

electoi'9, living in this district, whom they should wish to have support- 
ed in the legislative convention; and in this little body of prepared men, 
David Henshaw and John K. Simpson got the majority of votes. — 
Whether both these gentlemen were present or not, or what number 
of their brothers, I do not remember. 

The same steps were taken, with the same secrecy, in the neigh- 
boring towns of Cambridge, Charlestown, and Roxbury, and between 
thirty and forty of such delegates chosen altogether. At length the 
time arrived for holding the legislative convention. In the legislature, 
out of four or five hundred members, there were perhaps ten, willing 
to support Gen. Jackson. There was not, of Jackson men, an actual 
representation of more than one fiftieth part of the commonwealth. 
These thirty or forty delegates, with the eight or ten members, com- 
posed the legislative convention, and were to set up a candidate for 
elector of president, in every district of the sfate, and two candidates 
for the whole commonwealth. When the convention assembled, Mr. 
Dunlap, on behalf of the Boston delegates, informed that body, that the 
Jackson party of Boston had selected as their candidate for the district, 
John K. Simpson, and offered, as a candidate for the commonwealth, 
David Henshaw. Other candidates were then named for the other 
districts, and for the remaining elector at large, — a central committee 
was appointed with Mr. Dunlap as its chairman, — and the convention 
adjourned. The Jackson party of Boston were then informed that the 
legislative convention had nominated for this district, Messrs. Henshaw 
and Simpson. It was in vain the president of the convention, a mem- 
ber of the legislature, and one ignorant of the intrigue, suggested to 
the Boston delegates, that they would perhaps do better to nominate 
Col. Orne for elector at large, and Mr. Henshaw for the district — but 
this, he soon found, would not answer the object of the delegates. 
Col. Orne was not even to be noticed as a member of the party, no, 
not so much as to be placed on the central committee. When these 
proceedings came to light, they excited, as might naturally be suppos- 
ed, a general burst of indignation. Meetings were holden by the party, 
and inquiries were made why these things were so. A committee was 
chosen to examine into the proceedings, and see if it were too late 
for the people in the districts to select their own candidates. This 
committee held a conference with the central committee, but were told 
by Mr. Dunlap its chairman, that as the central committee were chos- 
en by a legislative convention representing the state, they could have 
nothing to do with the people in this district, and must proceed to pub- 
lish the nominations agreed upon. A second interview was had, and 
the danger of dividing the friends of Gen. Jackson insisted on — but Mr. 
Dunlap thought " a division would be no evil, — that as the party, by 
its ■union, was not strong enough to effect a vote, its division would 
occasion no injury, and the party might as well be divided as other- 
wise." He who is acquainted with political intrigue can be at no loss 
to comprehend this language. It were as much as to say, " we have 
the only paper of the party, and can represent these things to the pub- 
lic as we please — we, with this newspaper, will obtain all the offices,, 



29 

and the fewer there are to be competitors luith us the better — the smaller 
the number of friends Gen. Jackson has, the greater will be the chance for 
each to receive an appointment at his hands." It was accordingly decid- 
ed that there should be no attempt to prevent a division. Circum- 
stances to which I shall hereafter refer, soon demonstrated that the 
object was to make Mr. Henshaw the collector, Mr. Dunlap the dis- 
trict attorney, and Mr. Greene the postmaster. Bnt the people were 
not satisfied with Mr. Dunlap's reasoning, and a public meeting was 
loudly called for. Open discord in our ranks, however, was an evil 
which the most discreet were unwilling to incur for any consequences 
whatever. Mr. Henshaw, to allay the excitement, denied that his ob- 
ject was any office, and pledged himself sacredly that, under no cir- 
cumstances whatever, would he be a candidate for the collectorship. 
Mr. Simpson went round to the people, almost with tears in his eyes, 
imploring their compassion. It would be so humiliating to him to be 
compelled to decline, although he must, if they insisted upon it ; and if 
they would suffer his nomination to remain, he would pledge himself 
never to be a candidate again for any public office. Mr. Dunlap 
thanked his God, that he was not a candidate for any office, and would 
take none in the gift of the government of the United States. Other 
people might be office seekers, but he was above it. All acknowledg- 
ed the error and regretted it, but insisted upon it that it was too late 
to be retrieved, and the interests of the party required that we should 
make the best of it. Influenced by such considerations the party con- 
sented to overlook the enormity of the transactions ; but to prevent 
such intrigues again, by the monopoly of the press, determined that 
a new paper should be established. In pursuance ofthis determination 
the Jackson Republican soon after came into being. 

Upon this state of things, one reflection must be obvious to the most 
common observer. Men who arc confident of obtaining the support of 
the people, can have no motive for taking the nomination of candidates 
out of their hands. Mystery and management will never be resorted 
to, when success can be openly obtained. There is always some odi- 
um attached to intrigue, and honors that are freely bestowed by the 
people are much more grateful than those which are wrested from 
them. It is conscious weakness, and not strength, which resorts to 
management — secrecy is suited to artifice, but power seeks the light. 

If the honest mind turns with disgust from the exhibition of such de- 
pravity, it is difficult to characterize the sentiment which must be ex- 
cited when the motives which led to it are laid open. This must be the 
object of the next number ; and in approaching so disgusting a subject, 
I am sensible of a sentiment which almost arrests the hand, and turns 
it from the uplifting veil, — it is shame that it was a transaction of my 
countrymen. COLUMBUS. 



COLUMBUS, NO. VIII. 

When a party constitutes but a small minority in a town, county, 
district or commonwealth, its most incessant aim should be to increase 



30 

its numbers ; and the obvious course to attain this object is to preserve 
harmony among friends, confirm the wavering, win over the neutral, 
and conciliate opponents. Numbers must be increased by making the 
doubtful become partizans, and converting enemies to friends. When 
men are governed by motives of public good, or party success, it is 
impossible that these means should not be used, or that the object 
should be disregarded. But when views of self interest alone predom- 
inate, the natural results are dissensions among friends, and jealousy 
of any increase which may augment the competitors for the favors of 
the government. When men flatter themselves with being viewed as 
the leaders of their party, they are still more acutely jealous of the ac- 
cession of those whose superior qualifications, or greater weight of 
character, may place that ascendency in jeopardy. When circum- 
stances have given a prominency to an individual which has already 
attracted tbe observation of his party, and made him certain of receiv- 
ing its favors, if the contest were then to finish, he views with undis- 
sembled uneasiness the efforts of others in the cause, lest the result 
should deprive him of his comparative pre-eminence. But if such an 
individual, besides the love of distinction, has fixed his mind on a pub- 
lic trust, of great value, the exertions of a man whom he may view as 
a rival, and fear as a competitor, excites the worst feelings of his bo- 
som ; and the disposition to put him down is the master passion before 
which every other consideration must give way. If there be a single 
circumstance which can add to the fury which rages in his breast, it 
is the consciousness that the advantages he possesses over his rival are 
accidental ,and unmerited, and are liable justly to be lost on the slightest 
occasion. If such a man be without substantial claims to distinction, 
and destitute of political honor, he will turn on his rival like the infuri- 
ated tiger, rabid for blood. His accidental advantage will be defend- 
ed at every inch, and, before he will part with it, he will put in requi- 
sition every nerve and every artifice that his nature or evil passions 
can have supplied him with ; and will seize on every occasion to his 
advantage that may offer, as if his life's blood depended on his efforts. 
He who watches the conduct of such a man will see malice, and envy, 
and hatred, in hideous and revolting exhibition. Every step of his 
adversary will be obstructed — every movement opposed — every favor 
bestowed on him viewed with deep and bitter jealousy ; and if the 
danger cannot otherwise be repelled, malice and defamation will fas- 
ten on his character, and intrigue, management and artifice will aim 
at his destruction. 

We have known a man who, from a circumstance of no great moment, 
had gained through the country notoriety as a Jackson man in this 
commonwealth, and who was indiscreet enough to acknowledge that 
he saw with regret any progress in the Jackson cause among us, as it 
detracted from his own advantageous position. " I stand well enough 
as it is," he says; " the smaller the party, the better my own chance." 
He acted for himself, and he failed. 

The control of the Statesman paper had given to its leaders a fac- 
titious consequence which they were determined to maintain at every 



31 

hazard. The paper avouched for the eminence of its friends — who 
could dispute it ? It proclaimed prominent in the Jackson cause whom 
it pleased — it nominated candidates — it chose committees of arrange- 
ments — it made presidents of dinners — and it announced the leaders 
of the party. The evil of a single press, and that under the control 
of interested men, is one that all will deeply feel who are subjected 
to it : but it was borne hy the Jackson party with great equanimity. 
To aid the impression the paper was endeavoring to make, resort was 
had to other little artifices. If a stranger, distinguished in the Jack- 
son cause, arrived in the city, he would naturally inquire of the Jack- 
son paper for his prominent friends — or if inquiry was not made, some 
minion, established in the great public houses, would be always ready 
to give notice of his arrival. He would be told of the Statesman 
leaders — they would be brought to him, — and he would carry to a dis- 
tance an impression of their eminence. When an honorable man is 
placed, by the nature of the party contest, among dishonorable associ- 
ates, who possess advantages and resort to artifices like these, he must 
indeed be high in the public confidence, if he be not, in the end, a 
victim. 

This state of feeling will readily explain the jealousy manifested by 
the Statesman leaders towards the federal friends of Gen. Jackson, in 
this section of the country. No matter how honestly they had become, 
or how long they had been, active members of the great republican 
party. No matter how wide the gulf which had been placed between 
them, and the party and the politics of federalists. No matter what 
'persecutions they may have suffered in defending their cause. It was 
enough for them to be denounced by the Statesman, that they were 
men of so much character and standing, as to endanger the accidental 
advantages of the self proclaimed leaders. The jealousy of superior 
qualifications and standing is one of the most common qualities of the 
low and vulgar, and it was felt, in all its energy, by the controllers of 
the Statesman. Who then can wonder that they denounced, instead 
of conciliating, the federal friends of the General, the Lyman party as 
they termed it ? If the support of Gen. Jackson had been the object 
of the Statesman, its leaders would have hailed the accession of such 
men to the republican cause, with undisscmbled delight. But when 
office only was in view, they regarded their approach as bringing dan- 
ger to their object. They struggled for office, and they sacrificed the 
cause. 

Rut little sagacity is required to discover in this temper of the in- 
triguers the cause of their hostility to Col. Orne. They well knew 
that there was no other man in the state who took so deep an interest 
in the presidential question, had devoted himself so arduously to the 
cause, or had been in it so lonjj. Thev knew his disinclination to en- 
gage unnecessarily in state politics ; but of his readiness to devote 
every thing to the national interest, whenever the party would be 
ready to engage in it. But they also knew that he beheld with con- 
tempt the sacrifice of that cause in pursuit of little objects of self-inter- 
est ; and still more, the surrender of it to conciliate the Adams party. 



32 

His dislike to the coarse ribaldry of the paper, indiscriminately poured 
out on the state and city authorities, as well as the opposing presiden- 
tial parties — bringing the then Jackson cause into disrepute, and re- 
ducing the paper to a state of'loathsome and disgusting degradation — 
was also known to its wretched leaders. That he should excite their 
jealousy and revenge, neither surprised nor alarmed him, — but he did 
not expect that he was to be sacrificed by having the people ousted of 
their rights, and the authority of the party usurped by a half o' dozen 
intriguers, under the imposing appellation of a legislative convention. 

This last outrageous proceeding determined that gentleman to fath- 
om the object which lay at the bottom of the intrigue. The measure 
was not without its difficulties. The leaders did not dare to avow 
hostility until every measure was in train to insure their success. 
The selection of electoral candidates was the last act of the drama, 
and when that was effected they felt masters of the game. Until then, 
they were profuse in their protestations of regard for Col. Orne ; but 
after it, they no longer dissembled their hostility. A. short time, how- 
ever, enabled him to unravel the intrigue, and the astonishment it ex- 
cited when it was laid bare in its naked deformity, can be better imag- 
ined by the community than expressed by the writer. 

The secret was obtained from Mr. John K. Simpson, a goodly mak- 
er of beds, coverlets and carpets, and the candidate for elector for 
the district or Suffolk ! It was apprehended that in case of Gen. 
Jackson's election, the public sentiment would designate Col. Orne as 
the collector of the port. But this office had been assigned by the 
leaders of the Statesman, to Mr. David Henshaw, another candidate for 
the office of elector, for the whole commonwealth ! But the rea- 
son is still more surprising. The party objected to Col. Orne, as Mr. 
Simpson avowed, because he did not proffer, beforehand, to the 
party, in the event of his success, the disposition of the subordinate 
offices in the custom house, — that he did not promise offices to others, 
if he should obtain one himself — that he had too much independence 
of character to be controlled by the leaders of the Statesman ! ! ! 

The party were determined to have, Mr. Simpson said, a collector 
who would have no will of his own, and who, when his friends hand- 
ed him a list of the persons to be removed, and of others to be 
appointed in their places, should make the removals and appointments, 
without asking a question ! — And he soon further explained whom 
he meant, by the "friends" of the collector. He, Mr. Simpson, him- 
self, he said, was the only man, being totally disinterested, who was 
competent to judge what Jackson men ought to be appointed ; and 
he alone was the man to make out the list which the collector 
should receive for his implicit guide ! Mr. Nathaniel Greene, he said, 
was to be appointed postmaster, and, 1 think, Mr. Dunlap, district at- 
torney, while Mr. David Henshaw was their man for collector. He, 
Col. Orne, might have the naval office, if he would take it, but he must 
then, instanter, decide ; for if he would not agree to it then, he should 
not have it at all, nor any other appointment. It is needless to re- 
mark, that Col. Orne treated the proposition with as much contempt 



33 

as he felt for the maker of it, and thenceforth refused further inter- 
course with the man. 

Two inquiries will naturally arise from this astonishing disclosure. 
Did Mr. Simpson speak the sentiments of the Statesman party, and 
did Mr. Henshaw know the motives for supporting him for the office ? 
The leaders of this party were soon afterwards invited to meet with 
other friends of Jackson, all of whom had, until then, acted with the 
Statesman in supporting their presidential candidate. Those state- 
ments were openly made hy Col. Orne, in presence of Mr. Simpson, 
and one or two brothers of Mr. Henshaw, besides many warm per- 
sonal friends. Mr. Simpson was called upon to deny or confirm the 
statement, but he did not deny it. The facts became notorious to the 
Jackson party. The motive for selecting those gentlemen for electors, 
and taking the right from the people, now became apparent. '• We 
must give to our candidates for office the character of party leaders — 
we must confer upon them all the influence and weight in our 
power — the country must be made to believe that they are in fact the 
chief friends of General Jackson — the other candidates for electors, 
being also selected by our means, will act in concert with our own, 
and aid our object. The whole organization of the Jackson party will 
be under our control, and the offices will be ours." Such was the art- 
ful policy which this discussion elicited. And the movers were not 
disappointed — they did obtain the offices, and now hold them, proud 
monuments of the success of political intrigue. Subsecjuent circum- 
stances developed the ramifications of the scheme, and the many men 
who had received promises of subordinate appointments could be point- 
ed out familiarly in the streets. Here was the invincible bond of union 
amongst the Statesman party, which made men so devoted to one 
another — so tenacious of retaining accidental advantages — so hostile 
to any increase of the party, and so jealous of the rest of Gen. Jack- 
son's supporters. Here was the theme of discord, and the source 
of division. 

Who can wonder that the indignation of the respectable members of 
the party was excited ? Mr. Simpson quailed under it, and bego-ed to 
be forgiven. Mr. Henshaw disavowed, in the. most solemn manner, 
that he was a candidate for the office, and pledged himself he would 
not accept it, if it should be offered him. The renunciation 
of personal objects at length soothed the irritated feelings of the par- 
ty, and gave a promise of returning harmony. It was decided, how- 
ever, to be essential that another paper should be established to o-uard 
against further danger from monopoly. The Jackson Republican 
therefore soon came into being, and ranked among its sincere friends 
the most respectable of those who had been hitherto active in the 
Statesman organization. The electoral ticket, objectionable as it 
was, was supported by the whole body of the Jackson republicans. 
They made the sacrifice on the altar of party concord. They em- 
braced it as the only alternative to the division of the party. And 
yet Mr. Henshaw is collector, Mr. Greene post master, and Mr. Dun- 
lap district attorney. And many have received appointments in the 



34 

custom house, whose designation to such trusts was familiarly known 
long before Gen. Jackson was chosen to be president. But, on a 
member of the Jackson republican party, not a trust has been confer- 
red. Nay, they have shared worse even than the friends of Mr. Ad- 
ams ; for many, very many of these have been retained, but Jackson 
republicans have been dismissed from the offices they actually fdled. 

But does Mr. Simpson exercise a control over appointments in the 
custom house — does any thing shackle Mr. Henshaw in discharge of 
the most important duties entrusted to his care ? The writer will, for 
the present, leave these questions to be answered by others who have 
better means of judging than himself. He knows little of the man- 
agement of the Statesman party now — he makes no inquiries, and con- 
cerns himself as little upon the subject as perhaps any other man in 
the community. But of those who have knowledge on the subject, I 
will ask one or two questions. 

Have any, and if so, how many of Mr. Simpson's relations, and 
family connexions, received appointments in the custom house ? 

Were they men otherwise entitled to the appointments ? what ser- 
vices have they rendered to the Jackson cause, and how long have 
they been members of the party ? 

Is Mr. Simpson understood to have great influence in these ap- 
pointments — is he much courtod for his influence — is it successful 
when exerted ? 

But one circumstance has been mentioned to me, on such respect- 
able authority that I cannot, if I would, view it as calumnious. I do 
not vouch for its truth — I do not know it — but it is impossible to refuse 
to attach to it some degree of credit, from the respectable channel 
through which it reaches me. 

Every one here knows what a degree of excitement has been pro- 
duced among our best citizens by the indiscriminate proscriptions at 
the custom house, and how exceedingly injurious they have been 
to the popularity of the administration. A gentleman who is said to 
have been friendly to Mr. Henshaw, Mr. Bobert G. Shaw, it is re- 
ported, remonstrated with him against such impolitic changes. The 
same rumor also avers»that BIr. Henshaw replied in substance, " that 
the removal of so many men was like cutting olf his right arm — but he 
was comjiellcd to it, he could not help it." If this be a mistake, it can 
be easily corrected, and no one will more readily contradict it than the 
writer. But if it be true, what is the nature of the compulsion — ivhy 
cannot Mr. Henshaw help it ? 

The proscription of Col. Orne was successful — the motive of it was 
avowed. He would not hold the office in trust for the benefit of oth- 
ers — he would not be controlled by irresponsible men in the discharge 
of its duties. It is a trust of immense importance to the people of the 
nation — the correct discharge of its duties deeply affects the honor of 
the government. Conferred by the authority of the president, and 
sanctioned by the great council of the nation, the senate of the United 
States, there is a deep responsibility to them as to the manner in which 
its duties shall be performed. The solemnity of an oath is also added 



35 

to the other sacred sources from whence the obligation of faithfulness 
is derived. Can a man be fit for such a trust who surrenders up, to 
the guidance of others, that judgment, and that discretion, for which 
the highest authorities of the nation have confided the great interests 
to his hands ? Is independence of character, and stern integrity, of 
no consequence ? Who is the man who would not rather have failed, 
with Col. Orne, if opposed for such a cause, than have obtained this 
important post at the expense of his independence ? 

COLUMBUS. 



COLUMBUS, NO. IX. 

The publication of the Jackson Republican alarmed, excessively, 
the managers of the Statesman. Possessing the entire control of that 
paper, and having completed every arrangement for the campaign by 
which the whole merit of the contest, among us, would be ascribed to 
them, they saw, in imagination, the golden boon of office within their 
grasp, if the struggle should terminate in favor of our candidate. Their 
secret manceuvering had been so far eminently successful ; and they 
chuckled, exultingly, that no chance to encounter them remained to 
their victims. The mask was now thrown off', and the hostility which 
had hitherto governed them in secret, was openly avowed. The 
Statesman, of course, would not expose their duplicity, and an expo- 
sure in any other paper would be readily ascribed to the malice of 
political opposition. The establishment cf another Jackson paper was 
a contingency they had not foreseen, and it carried dismay and con- 
sternation into their corrupt ranks. They were therefore determined 
to oppose it with every nerve, and at the hazard of every consequence. 

And yet the ground of their opposition, and the manner in which it 
should be manifested, gave them great perplexity. Why should a 
friend of Jackson oppose an effort in his favor ? Why should his party 
try to prevent its own increase ? What exclusive right had one portion 
of his friends to advocate his election, more than another ? Why should 
a number of newspapers in his favor be less propitious to his cause 
than one ? Their reason, that it might lesson their supposed exclusive 
pretensions to office, was one which would be received with as little 
favor oy the party, as it was destitute of merit. The sordid selfish- 
ness of the motive, too, was one which would suffuse their faces with 
the blush of shame, if that emotion could be generated in their bosoms; 
— or, at all events, make them shy of its avowal. To oppose openly, 
therefore, an effort in favor of Jackson was out of the question, for it 
would necessarily lead to an exposure of their conduct ; — resort was 
therefore had to a course more consistent with their safely, their hab- 
its, and character. The paper and its friends might be secretly de- 
nounced, where the slander could not be followed and refuted. Hon- 
est but prejudiced democrats were to be alarmed with the story that it 
was a federal paper in disguise, secretly in the interests of the Hart- 
ford Convention. The federal friends of Jackson were informed that 
5 



36 

its object was a division of the Jackson party — although its avowed and 
ostensible motive was an union among the friends of Gen. Jackson, 
regardless of former differences : and the party .collectively was told 
that the friends of the Jackson Republican were view men, fence men 
and trimmers, who came in, after the heat and burden of the day were 
over, to dispute the services of those who had been, since the first 
hour, laboring in the vineyard. The reputation of the Statesman, as a 
Jackson paper, would procure credit for its assertions by those who 
did not know its character, and of course, for the private assurances of 
those who were known to be its editors, or avowed to be its friends ; 
while its abstaining from an open denunciation would be ascribed to its 
forbearance, and generous sacrifices for the common good. 

There are men, and abundance of men too, who never imagine that 
to know the merits of a controversy it is of any importance to hear more 
than one side. There are those who never suspect that private and 
selfish purposes can influence men in their public conduct, or that in- 
trigue can ever concern itself with the affairs of politics. The want of 
competition, such men cannot dream to be productive, frequently, of 
injury to a party ; they consider a monopoly of the press as unsuscep- 
tible of being applied to selfish purposes, or to any thing but patriotic 
ends, and the public good. For them to believe a story, it was enough 
for the acknowledged friends of the Statesman to tell it, although it 
ascribed innocence to themselves, and depravity to their opponents. 
The fair mind, the sagacious politician, and the experienced in politi- 
cal intrigues, would suspect, at once, that in a controversy there may 
be wrong on both sides, and, by a bare possibility, fault exclusively on 
the side ofthe informer. And that the information was even more lia- 
ble to suspicion, for being so secretly communicated that the denoun- 
ced party was unable to reply to it. These stories however had ef- 
fect, and several conductors of Jackson newspapers manifested hostili- 
ty to the Jackson Republican. 

It would be difficult to conceive, in the conducting of party affairs, 
circumstances more trying than those which attended the political birth 
of the new paper. The rancorous malignant hostility of the States- 
man managers was perfectly well known. Their unceasing activity to 
poison the friends ofthe cause against us, in all parts ofthe Union, by 
private correspondence, was believed on strong circumstantial evi- 
dence. Their attempts to prevent support being afforded to the paper, 
were ascertained in every step of its progress. They were before the 
public as candidates of the party, by the fruits of a disgraceful in- 
trigue. They were proclaimed its devoted leaders in every movement 
that the Statesman could give rise to. They were, and had been, ap- 
parently, in possession ofthe whole field of services and merits. Men 
who were not familiar with the affairs of the party, knew not that the 
friends of the Jackson Republican had been, hitherto, among the 
principal supporters of the Statesman, not only in its political discus- 
sions, and its organized party efforts, but also in affording it pecuniary 
aid, as well by subscription, as by loans. The Jackson republican 
party was represented as a new party, while in fact it was only a part, 



37 

and a most important part of the entire Jackson party, which had col- 
lectively supported the Statesman, until the paper was discovered to 
be the organ, and instrument, of partial, selfish, and mercenary in- 
triguers. To remain silent was to leave to the Statesman, exclusively, 
all the merit of the common sacrifices and services in the Jackson 
cause. It was a division of the common stock by which every thing 
was given to one side only, while the other must begin the contest 
again, with nothing. The swarminf bees carried nothing with them 
to the new hive, and the fruits of common and devoted labor were re- 
tained by those who continued in the old. Silence was an unequal 
game for the Jackson republicans, and one very dangerous for them to 
play it. — They should have insisted that the self nominated candidates 
should be withdrawn, and the people permitted to agree upon others. 
— They should have called for an entire and satisfactory organization 
of the party. They should have, exacted from the wrong doers jus- 
tice, and if divisions ensued, the responsibility should have been placed 
where the wrong lay. As the Statesman was no longer the paper of 
the party, its support should have been left exclusively to the faction 
which it served. 

But other councils prevailed. The union, or apparent union of the 
party, at best but a small minority, was deemed an object paramount 
to all other considerations. Every one who adhered to the States- 
man, denounced and endeavored to destroy the Jackson Republican, 
while not a subscription was withdrawn from the former paper, by the 
friends of the other. All the advantages of silence were on the side 
of the Statesman — all the prejudices against us ; while the publication 
of the truth would at once have changed the balance. The power of 
the party, in the eyes of the nation, was given up to them, while it lay 
with us whether they should retain it, or surrender it up to those from 
whom they had unjustly usurped it. To endure in silence such wrongs, 
to encounter such hazards without attempting to avert them, required 
a degree of disinterestedness and self denial which a party has seldom, 
if ever, been called upon to manifest. And, yet it was manifested, no- 
bly, by the Jackson republicans. The wrongs were endured, the sa- 
crifice was made, and they who can be insensible to its merits are 
welcome to visit us with renewed injuries, and additional indignities. 
For the harmony of the Jackson party we endured it all. We received 
the blow, in Christian meekness, on one cheek, and turned the other to 
the ao-gressor. They took from us our coat, and we gave them our 
cloak also. We sat an example of forbearance which challenges rival- 
ship, and may well defy imitation. Let men turn over the columns of 
the Jackson Republican, and then say, if so much prudence, discretion, 
and forbearance were ever before manifested amidst the discordant in- 
terests of a divided party. We made no allusions to the subject of the 
discord — we left unassailed the usurped acquisitions of our mortal foes 
— we wrote not a letter to answer the imputations which our enemies 
were pouring like torrents on our head, through all the sections of the 
country. We continued our subscriptions to that profligate paper, and 
when men who preferred ours, but felt unable to incur the expense of 



38 

both, manifested a willingness to drop the Statesman, we advised them 
against it, being determined that our eftbrts should not interfere with 
its support. Nay, more, we recognized so far our, apparently, fellow 
laborers in the cause, that we noticed the vile paper itself, and repub- 
lished articles from its columns. And, as the last and greatest sacri- 
fice which a party could make, we gave our votes, at the polls, for that 
most detestable list of electors, selected in fraud, and with the avowed 
object of injuring ourselves and our cause. 

Such sacrifices can only be made by a party conscious of the high 
rectitude of its purposes, and of its own extensive claims to the public 
respect. No party could be capable of such sacrifices but one of an 
elevated character, and the Jackson republican party could proudly 
compare, in the respectability of its elements, and in the high and hon- 
orable character of its course, with any which was ever organized in 
this mighty republic. With conscious manliness it left every imputa- 
tion, and every slander, to be answered by its acts. Like that of the 
high minded Jefferson, on whose devoted head the torrents of calumny 
were profusely poured, its noblest answer was its life. It relied on its 
rectitude, and it relied not in vain. The whole host of the Statesman 
assailed each of our friends, with prayers, imprecations and threats — 
they promised to reward treachery to us with the offices of the republic 
— they threatened to visit fidelity with proscription and persecution, — 
but they promised and threatened in vain. Few were they who yield- 
ed to seduction, or were overcome by fiar. The Jackson Republican 
went on, and feeble as the Jackson party was thought to be, a hand- 
some encouragement, for the time, was found for two papers, where it 
was apprehended there was insufficient for one. A new impulse was 
given to the public mind, and the Statesman paper, instead of losing, 
was found, as its publishers acknowledged, to be a gainer by the competi- 
tion. The fidelity of the Jackson republican party was unassailable, 
for the strongest of possible reasons, — it was not a party of office seekers, 
and had no interests for hopes and fears, promises and threats, to ac- 
tion ; while the Statesman party was made up almost exclusively 
from the lowest ranks of our people, and of those who aimed to ac- 
quire a personal benefit by the contest. Let the names of those men 
appear who were residents in this city, and dined with the States- 
man party in the Washington gardens, and I will hazard any thing 
on the fact, that not fifty could be found in the whole number who 
have not been applicants for office since the election of the president ; 
and I will encounter an equal hazard, that of the party who filled, on 
the same occasion, Fanueil Hall, there were not twenty who were, or 
under any circumstances, intended to be, applicants. They support- 
ed the cause from an honest preference of its candidate, for the hon- 
or of the country, and for the security of its republican institutions. 
These were the elements, and the only elements, which could form a 
party capable of doing what they did, forbearing as they forbore, or 
enduring what they suffered. 

One of the first and most happy effects of the project of the new 
paper, was a willingness on the part of Gen. Jackson's friends, with- 



39 

out regard to old party lines, to unite in his support. Among those 
who had once been members of the federal party, and still more 
among those who had come of age since the old party contest had ter- 
minated, there were many men, including some of the moet respected 
in the community, and of the very highest grade of character, who 
were in favor of Gen. Jackson. They had refused, constantly, to 
act with the Statesman party, and that gentlemanly print had impu- 
ted the refusal, and gained some belief in the imputation, to an unwil- 
lingness to act on republican grounds with the great Jackson party. 
Their refusal, however, arose altogether from a different motive. The 
low and scurrilous character of that print, and the violent and abusive 
course of its supporters, were the only obstacle. The Statesman par- 
ty did everything it could, privately, to court their support. They as- 
cribed the intemperance of the language of the paper to policy, direc- 
ted, not to this commonwealth, but to Maine and New Hampshire, 
where the. contest, they said, was of a democratic character. And 
though it was not a course adapted to the circumstances of this state, 
yet as any course would fail to gain us the vote of Massachusetts, 
they must regard exclusively the policy best suited to those states. 
The denunciation of federalism they reconciled with the best personal 
feelings towards the federal friends of Gen. Jackson among us, and 
avowed their willingness to act in harmony with them when the policy 
of their course had attained its object. In this spirit Mr. Francis Bay- 
lies, Gen. Lyman and others, were invited to Faneuil Hall, at the 8th 
of January celebration, in 1823, and the former gentleman actually at- 
tended. A Jackson federalist, was also put on their central commit- 
tee for the state, when the farce of a legislative convention was gotten 
up. A Jackson federalist, by their aid, has been appointed to the col- 
lectorship of Newburyport, and another offered an inspectorship un- 
der the collector in Boston. It was not Jackson federalism they fear- 
ed, but the rivalship of Jackson federalists — and they refused to ac- 
knowledge the party character of these gentlemen, unless they would 
act in subordination to themselves. They feared the standing of men, 
not their politics, and welcomed every follower, of whatever party he 
might be, but were jealous of all equals or leaders. 

The federal friends of Jackson had too much respect for themselves 
to prevent the possibility of their hailing under the Statesman. With 
a perfect disposition to make common cause with its friends, they 
could acknowledge no leaders but men of a different grade of charac- 
ter. They had suffered long, and endured much, for want of a news- 
paper to represent their views. They had made, in their zeal for the 
cause, liberal and even munificent offers to an established federal pa- 
per, to induce it to come out for their presidential candidate. These 
efforts were, however, unsuccessful. They supported the party with 
unshaken constancy, and untiring zeal ; but supported it, like many 
others, aloof from the party who acted with the Statesman. When the 
Jackson Republican was established, they afforded it, most cheerfully, 
their support ; and by resolutions adopted in the most public manner, 
announced their adhesion to the republican party. Their self re- 



40 

spect, and the character of their republican associates, no longer kept 
them aloof ; and they came out, like men, for the republican candi- 
date. The Statesman immediately began to denounce the federal 
friends of the President, and — it is almost incredible, and while I state 
it emotions of disgust almost dash the pen from my unwilling hand — 
there were a few federalists, candidates for appointments, who adher- 
ed to the Statesman party, and joined in the denunciation of them- 
selves. If there be a class of men whose conduct defies language 
to convey the disg*ust which it excites in our bosom, it is those merce- 
nary apostates, who seek to acquire an office by loading their past life 
with infamy. 

But, thank Heaven, the numbers of such men were few ! The 
great mass acted with the Jackson Republican, shared its labors, en- 
dured its sacrifices, and participate in its fate. Neither threats, nor 
seductions, nor persecutions, can seperate them from honorable asso- 
ciates. They would have been happier in our success, but they re- 
main firm and inflexibly faithful in our misfortunes. They submit to 
their fate with a fortitude which awakens our admiration. Excellent 
men ! — the day may yet come when you will cease to stand as monu- 
ments to warn poltical partisans, that it is not always that merit com- 
mands success, or that lofty rectitude can escape the machinations of 
unprincipled intriguers. COLUMBUS. 



COLUMBUS, NO. X. 

DUFF GREEN. 

The course of events now brings forward a character which presents 
some extraordinary claims to our notice. Duff Green stands in that 
relation to the present administration that, as the gallant Stark said to 
his troops while pointing to the enemy, they must kill him, or he will kill 
them. Before I proceed, however, to a particular notice of the conduct 
of this gentleman towards our political friends, I shall pause, one mo- 
ment, to consider his relation to the party, his services to, and his 
standing in it. 

The assertions regarding Duff Green's standing with the govern- 
ment are of the most various character ; the opposition presses insist 
upon it that his influence is almost unbounded, while the friends of the 
president deny him any influence, and insist that the government re- 
gard him with a disgust almost approaching to abhorence. The alle- 
gation of his influence is undoubtedly meant as the severest reproach 
which can be made of the president, and the sensitiveness of the Jack- 
son party under it, and their warmth in repelling it, show that they 
view it as a libel of a most pernicious tendency. These apparently 
opposite positions are to be received with caution, and, when properly 
modified, they are not only reconcileable, but probably are, or rather 
have been, true. 

I am perfectly satisfied that it is the determination of the president 
to confine Mr. Green to his proper pursuits — to repel his interference 



41 

with the business of the cabinet, and to discountenance his intermed- 
dling with local appointments. There is no man in the country whose 
character and feelings would sooner throw off dictation, or an attempt 
at dictation ; or repel a familiar approach from so objectionable a 
quarter. I am also inclined to believe, though I am not certain of the 
fact, that the president's opinion of Duff Green is very far from being 
favorable. But the assertion that Duff Green has heretofore had no 
influence, or very little influence, is one exceedingly difficult to be re- 
conciled with well known facts ; and in spite of my ardent wish it 
were so, I cannot credit it. That he has had no direct influence with the 
president, I really believe, but that he has had some, nay an almost 
preponderating influence with some members of the government, and 
has reached the president through his constitutional advisers, but too 
effectually, is in the highest degree probable. But intrigue is danger- 
ous only while it tracks its way in darkness — the light that breaks on 
its path is a barrier to its progress. Duff Green has accomplished 
much heretofore, but recent circumstances strongly indicate that the 
reptile is now scotched. 

As events which he, in conjunction with others, has had an active 
share in effecting, I will mention a tew — The removal of Mr. M'Lean 
from the post office, a measure which notwithstanding the favorable es- 
timate of the character of the incumbent, has been viewed by the 
whole Jackson party with profound regret. In Duff Green's recent 
visit to Boston, he boasted with admirable complacency that the credit 
of this measure was due entirely to him. 

The appointment of Isaac Hill to be a comptroller — a measure deep- 
ly injurious to the party, and especially to our New England inter- 
ests. 

The disappointment of the wishes of an immense proportion of the 
Jackson party (the original Jackson party) of Pennsylvania, in regard 
to Mr. Baldwin, and the defeat of the expected nomination of Gen. 
Barnard as governor of that state. The Jackson party in Pennsylva- 
nia, I am respectably informed, regard any connexion of such a man 
as Duff Green with the government, as one of the severest trials which 
their fidelity can be taxed to endure. It will be apparent before long. 

The policy, on every other ground inexplicable, of the government 
towards the Jackson republican party of this state. And, on this point, 
the facts are remarkable. Immediately after the result of the election 
was known, Duff Green sought a quarrel with the Jackson republican, 
(his motives will soon be adverted to,) and proclaimed that the party 
should not be recognized by the government, but should be driven in- 
to the opposition. It has not been recognized by the government, and 
though it be not in opposition, no measure has been left undone which 
Duff' Green could effect, or influence, to place it there. 

As early as January last, long before Gen. Jackson reached Wash- 
ington — long before his cabinet was anticipated — Duff Green proclaim- 
ed, through the Telegraph, that Col. Orne should receive no appoint- 
ment under this administration. He has received none, although pre- 
sented as a candidate by almost every respectable supporter of the 



42 

president in this state, and supported by many of the highest and most 
influential members of the Adams party. He was the candidate, and 
the only candidate, of the Jackson republican party — a party respect- 
able in numbers, and as respectable in standing and character, as any 
party that was ever formed in this commonwealth. But Duff Green 
determined that the parly should be destroyed. 

Before Gen. Jackson reached Washington, Duff Green pledged 
himself to support Mr. Dunlap as district attorney, Mr. Green as posi 
master, and Mr. Henshaw as collector ; and they have all been ap- 
pointed. The means by which he has effected his object I do not 
know, and I cannot comprehend — but he has succeeded, in spite'of the 
president's known determination to keep Duff Green from meddling 
with such subjects. 

For now nearly one year he has denounced the Jackson republican 
party, and the Jackson republican paper, united, as it now is, with 
the Bulletin. He has endeavored to interrupt confidence between that 
party and the government — and has succeeded. A confidential inter- 
course has not been kept up. The party have felt their wrongs — 
they have looked with confidence to the president for redress — and 
they still look. Duff* Green, is at the bottom of this mischief. The 
wretch has taken advantage of the determination of the party to bear 
every thing rather than incur the risk of a schism. For a year he has 
denounced the party, its candidates, and its paper. We have borne it 
in silence — endured, meekly, his contumely and his slander — and yet 
despised him as heartily during the whole time, as we despise him now. 
But the power of endurance is limited — there is a " drop which will 
make the waters of bitterness overflow," and he has poured it into our 
cup. Let him now taste them himself. 

The election of the president by an overwhelming vote, gave Duff* 
Green such confidence in his strength, that he was willing to spare a 
large portion of the president's friends — yet, as long as the contest 
was doubtful, or the strength of the party uncertain, he invoked their 
forbearance by every motive of party discipline, or patriotism. Before 
the administration was fairly in office, he began to electioneer for Mr. 
Calhoun, and to bargain with one portion of the friends of Gen. Jack- 
son to effect the downfall of another. His object has been to sow dis- 
sension, and effect disunion. He insults the president, treats his cab- 
inet with rudeness, and attempts to dictate to the representatives of the 
people. He wields the great engine which has been put into his 
hands, against the congress which placed it there, the government 
which gave it authority, and the party who support it. He has aban- 
doned the Jackson cause to take up that of Mr. Calhoun, and strives 
to destroy the present party to build up another. He is ruining the 
party which made him, and will ruin the candidate he supports. 

DuffGreen obtained, it is well known, a sufficient number of votes 
to procure the printing of congress. This might imply some degree 
of confidence on the part of the Jackson party, in his talents or char- 
acter. I, however, am satisfied that such an implication would be at 
war with the fact, and would do gross injustice to the high minded 



43 

leaders of the Jackson party. The writer is personally acquainted 
with many members both of the senate and house of representatives, 
who were supporters of General Jackson, and who stand, in the public 
estimation, second to none among his friends. These men spoke of 
Duff Green without reserve. Their detestation of him was beyond 
any thing I had ever known of the feelings of statesmen towards a par- 
ty printer. The Journal, or intelligencer, at Washington, do not speak 
of Duff Green with half the contempt and abhorence, that was open- 
ly manifested by the most eminent Jackson men in congress. " I 
shall vote for that contemptible man to be printer," said they, " as a 
party act — but never before have I been called upon to offer, on the 
altar of party, a sacrifice so revolting to my feelings." 

The public however would naturally ask, why not select some other 
party printer instead of Duff Green ? The answer is, he was without 
a competitor. The most ardent, and, to the parties, the most gene- 
rous and honorable efforts, were made by some distinguished support- 
ers of the president, to establish at Washington a respectable and dig- 
nified Jackson print. A large annual sum was proposed by a few per- 
sons, to be guaranteed, to a proper editor, out of their private estate — a 
circumstance which establishes as well their liberality of feelings, as 
their sense of the importance and necessity of the project. These ef- 
forts however were unsuccessful ; several who were properly quali- 
fied for the object declined the proposal, and among others, the editor 
of the Richmond Enquirer. "We could obtain, sir," said they " no 
decent editor to commence the enterprise, or we should not have been 
left, at this hour, with so frail a dependance as Gen. Green. We must 
vote for him as printer, and try the experiment, therefore ; but we 
tremble with apprehensions that he will destroy the party." 

Some would naturally ascribe his election to a feeling of gratitude 
— to a favorable estimate of his services in the presidential canvass. 
This however was not the fact, for the leading friends of the president 
had very unfavorable impressions of the value of Gen. Green's efforts. 
" I am satisfied," said a western senator, " that Duff' Green's paper 
has done our cause essential injury. When I arrived in Washington 
I found the sentiments of many to differ from me, and to ascribe some 
service to the Telegraph. But on inquiry I found every one of these 
gentlemen satisfied, in regard to their own sections, that the scurrilous, 
violent spirit of the paper, and the unfavorable estimate formed of the 
character of its editor, really did the cause an injury. But they insist- 
ed he had done service in the west. But the west was precisely the 
point where the Telegraph would be the least serviceable. Our people 
know Duff Green too well. Unpopular as the National Intelligencer 
is among the friends of Jackson, the western people regard it with a 
respect which they withhold from the Telegraph. In our public ad- 
dresses we could not cite the Telegraph as authority, without its being 
almost universally hissed." 

The government press at Washington is the natural centre of the 
party, and is, or ought to be, the medium of intercourse between all 
the sections of the union. To attain its essential objects, the charac- 

G 



44 

ter it maintains must be decidedly national ; and it must avoid, with 
scrupulous care and delicacy, local and sectional differences among 
the common members of the party. The public printer should shun 
the very suspicion of meddling with local appointments, as a subject 
upon which he cannot be well informed, and which the local sentiment 
will regulate, much more wisely, for its own, and for the general good. 
Above all, the integrity of the printer should never be brought into 
question. The slightest distrust that he is corrupt, and will, for mo- 
tives of private advantage, intrigue for appointments, and use the confi- 
dence which his position necessarily commands from his party, to de- 
feat that party's interest, will render his aid to the cause nugatory, 
and forfeit all the benefit of his position. Long established custom, too, 
has clearly marked out the course of a judicious printer. Messrs. 
Gales & Seaton were examples that any man might have been proud 
to imitate — for whatever might be their claims on the good will of the 
Jackson party, their dignity, discretion, and fairness, as public prin- 
ters, are universally conceded. 

To what a remarkable extent Buff Green has departed from this ju- 
dicious course, is, in general, a matter of notoriety; but some instan- 
ces are within our knowledge, which the public cannot be supposed to 
know, or perhaps, without difficulty, to be able to credit. 

It was, I think, in August 1828, that this notorious gentleman first 
made his appearance in Boston. The division in the party had then 
taken place, the line of disunion been distinctly marked, the new paper 
established, and the altercation checked from a conviction that any ef- 
fort to induce the Statesman leaders to abandon their profligate course, 
would be unavailing-. Duff Green had access to both divisions of the 
party, and professed to be well informed on all the subjects of discord. 
Towards Col. Orne he manifested the kindest feelings, and the most 
marked respect. Of the Statesman newspaper he spoke slightingly, 
affecting to regret the coarse, abusive and degraded tone of its discus- 
sions. Towards Mr. Henshaw, particularly, he seemed to feel much 
resentment, and spoke of him with great severity. The discord in the 
Jackson ranks he regretted ; but applauded, in the highest terms, the 
forbearance of the Jackson republican party, and urged the sac- 
rifice of every object to prevent, at least to the world, the appearance 
of discord. The union of the federal supporters of Gen. Jackson with 
the republicans, on republican ground, he. spoke of as a party desider- 
atum, and as the object to which the main efforts of his paper were 
directed. Not knowing the character of Duff Green, the Jackson re- 
publican party had many reasons for forming a favorable estimate of 
his sentiments, and of his intentions. 

But he was not long without exciting distrust, on the part of a few 
to whom he most extensively disclosed his objects. They early per- 
ceived that the man was destitute of judgment and discretion ; but it 
was not at first that they had so much reason to doubt his integrity. 
We were struck, at once, by his overweening vanity and self-impor- 
tance, which rendered it difficult to converse with him with gravity, 
and without violating the rules of the decorum practised by gentlemen 



45 

with strangers. To listen to Duff Green, one would suppose he 
viewed himself as by far the most important authority in the republic, 
and was to play, after the election of Gen Jackson, a game much su- 
perior to that of the president and congress. He spoke of having put 
down the party in congress who wished to censure Col. Jarvis for his 
affair with Mr. John Adams, by threatening to appeal to the Jackson 
public, to decide between his services and their own. lie had, he said, 
digested a system for the government of the press of this country, which 
wonld require many years to be matured, but which would present one 
of the grandest features in the science of government, and give him an 
eminence which the proudest career of the mere statesman could not 
hope to reach. Young men of the most respectable connexions were 
urged on him as apprentices, by members of congress from all parts of 
the country. These he received with a proper regard to their local 
distribution. They were taught thoroughly the trade of printing, and 
besides, he himself paid the strictest attention to their mental improve- 
ment, and superintended particularly their study of the law, which he 
connected with his system, and for which his law library gave him great 
facilities. After being properly initiated into all the mysteries of the 
press, these young men were to be recommended by him, and placed 
by his influence, as editors in the various quarters of the republic, 
when they would exercise a most important influence over the public 
sentiment, would perhaps take a prominent lead in public affairs, but, 
at all events, would act in the strictest subordination to, and harmony 
with him, the guide and centre of the political system. This was to 
procure him a power, and a fame, in comparison with which the high- 
est authorities and dignitaries of the republic were frivolous and pue- 
rile. 

Mr. Green's main object in coming to Boston, he said, was to pro- 
cure a loan of money. Me was embarrassed every moment of time, 
for the want of the necessary capital to conduct his press. Without 
uncommon financial skill, no man could keep his workmen together a 
week. He wished to procure a loan of fifteen-thousand dollars, as this 
amount, in addition to his other means, would constitute a capital ade- 
quate to his establishment ; and he gave the Boston friends of Gen. 
Jackson the preference, in this mark of his confidence and esteem. 
His application was made to both portions of the Jackson party, but 
particularly to Dr. Ingalls, Gen. Lyman, Mr. Henshaw and Col. Orne 
From Dr. Ingalls he obtained promptly the promise of five-thousand 
dollars, which was soon after advanced him on the security of his nak- 
ed note. His application to the other gentlemen was not equally suc- 
cessful. Gen. Lyman politely but firmly declined. Col. Orne inform- 
ed Mr. Green that there was in no part of the Union, where the Jack- 
son party was comparatively so weak as in Boston, and none, certain- 
ly, where the contest involved a tax so heavy on the resources which 
the party could command. The establishment of a single newspaper 
had cost himself and his associates, each, at least, $500, which was 
necessarily a sacrifice in the cause. There were besides many other 
occasions of heavy expense, and before the campaign could be ended, 



46 

the pecuniary sacrifice of each of these gentlemen, could not fall mate- 
rially short of one thousand dollars. Yet, weak as the Jackson party 
in Boston was, compared with the parties in New-York, Philadelphia, 
and Baltimore, still, if the support of the central Jackson press requir- 
ed the aid of the party, we, in Boston, would furnish our equal share. 
Let New-York, Philadelphia and Baltimore, do the same, and the cap- 
ital which is deemed to be requisite will probably be had. This sug- 
gestion was not received by Mr. Green with a very good grace, and 
the subject was not again renewed. The only loan, therefore, he ob- 
tained at that time was that of $5,000 from Dr. Ingalls. From the 
whole Statesman party he could not obtain a dollar, and he left them, 
apparently, with no very friendly feelings. 

The extraordinary nature of this application excited surprise, and 
gave rise to much reflection, on the part of some of those to whom it 
was made. Why should Gen. Green come to Boston, when there 
were so many in Washington, friendly to the cause, and able to assist 
him ? Why come such a distance here, when other cities were so 
much nearer ? Why apply where the party was comparatively the 
weakest, and most heavily burdened already ? And why, above all, 
insist, that the most remote, the weakest, and most heavily burdened, 
should furnish, not only its proportion, but the whole loan ? The dis- 
inclination to apply to Philadelphia, Baltimore, or New-York, was ob- 
vious. What was the motive ? Having little knowledge of Mr. 
Green's character, we were not much open to suspicion, but the cir- 
cumstances struck us forcibly. He applied first to the Statesman par- 
ty, but meeting with no encouragement, he tries next the Jackson re- 
publican party. The amount was very large — the credit ofthe bor- 
rower here little known — the public papers spoke of his embarrass- 
ments, and the pressing nature of these embarrassments was the ground 
of his strong claim on the sympathies ofthe party. A loan of fifteen- 
thousand dollars to him, on any security he could offer, would not have 
been worth five-thousand, the next moment, in our market ; and, we 
had strong reason to think, in no other market in the country. I 
doubt, sincerely, if Dr. Ingalls had offered to sell the note of five- 
thousand dollars, for one-thousand, whether a purchaser could have 
been obtained. The sacrifices Duff Green asked were large, heavy, 
and appalling ; and on what ground could he have calculated we 
should be willing to make them ? Was it possible he meant to take 
advantage of the division of the partv, and sell his influence for the 
most it would bring ? The motives of a man are hid in his breast, to 
all but the omniscient eye ; and we must be cautious in imputing them 
to any one. But circumstances sometimes indicate the thoughts — the 
course of events sometimes marks the character of a policy or project, 
as distinctly as language can express it. 

Suppose some friend of the Statesman had loaned Duff Green 
money, and Col. Orne bad afterwards offered him a greater loan, 
would it have been possible for Duff Green to have charged Col. Orne 
with an intention to bribe him ? I go now upon the ground that he 
was hostile to Col. Orne, as subsequent events have demonstrated he 



47 

was, as well as to the whole Jackson republican party. Nay, suppose 
the Statesman loan was before the presidential contest was decided, 
and Col. Orne's offer was afterwards, — that the one was made in pub- 
lic, and in accordance with a public request, addressed to many, while 
the other was offered on terms of profound secresy, — would Duff Green 
suspect that the offer was intended as a bribe ? Let us see how he 
would naturally reason on the subject. " I asked you, Colonel Orne, 
for a loan, to aid in the election of Gen. Jackson — you refused it then — 
why do you offer it now he is elected ! I asked you for a loan, when 
my embarrassments might have injured, essentially, the cause — you 
refused it then — why offer it now, when even by my ruin the cause 
could not be affected ? I asked you for a loan when it was hazardous 
to make it, while the event of the election was still doubtful, and my 
solvency, in all probability, depended upon success — you refused it 
then — why offer it now, when my credit is indisputable, my success 
certain, my reward magnificent ? The friends of the Statesman made 
me a loan when I needed it, when the cause needed it, when it was 
hazardous — openly, — you offer one, when I am prosperous and suc- 
cessful, when the cause is won, when there is no hazard — secretly. 
He who made the loan, was a candidate for no office, and would ac- 
cept none — you, who offer it, are a prominent and avowed candidate 
for an important appointment. If your motive, Col. Orne, be not to 
bribe me, pray avow what it is, for otherwise I must reject your offer, 
as aiming at the integrity of my character, with indignation and con- 
tempt." If Col. Orne had made the offer under such circumstances, 
who could have answered the argument, and repelled the imputation, 
which Mr. Green might so naturally have made : — or if Mr. Gr/en, 
under such circumstances, had accepted Col. Orne's offer, how would 
Mr. Green have met the imputation of others, that he had consented to 
be bribed. 

But fortunately for Duff Green, and for Dr. Ingalls, the only loan 
which was made at that time was by a man whose disinterestedness was 
above all suspicion, and is above all cavil : By a man whose generous 
zeal in the Jackson cause is not surpassed among the millions who 
rallied under the Jackson banner : By a man who had no personal fa- 
vor to ask, nor personal favor to accept. Fortunate indeed was it, 
that it was made by a man whose disinterestedness may challenge imi 
tation, and defy malice, — whose generous and magnanimous liberality 
made even Duff Green ascribe to him the soul and feelings of a prince. 
But who were they, thou honest printer of the Telegraph ! who offer- 
ed you a loan of six thousand dollars, after the contest was decided, 
and the hazard was at an end ? Were they candidates for appoint- 
ments ? How have you exerted your influence in their behalf? Have 
they, or many of them, obtained appointments, through your means, 
and of a character so disproportioned to their standing, as to excite the 
astonishment and regret of every honest friend of the president, through 
the United States ? What are their names ? Is David Henshaw, or 
Andrew Dunlap, or Nath'l. Greene, any or all of them, among the 
number ? What was the condition, expressed or understood, on which 



the loan was offered you ? Was it that you should denounce the 
Jackson republican party, and support that of the Statesman ? Was it 
that you should break with your generous benefactor, return him his 
loan, denounce him and his iriends, and impute his noble sacrifice in 
your favor to a motive of corruption ? Did you, or not, after this 
negotiation, proceed to denounce the Jackson republican party, for 
which before you had professed so much friendship and respect ? Did 
you, or not, ascribe to Dr. Ingalls a motive to bribe you, and talk in- 
dignantly of returning his loan ? Have you returned his loan to this 
hour, or do yon still retain, what you called Dr. Ingalls' bribe, as well 
as the latter loan from the Statesman party, which you did not call 
any body's bribe ? How came the idea of bribery to enter your head ? 
Who charged you with it — nav, how came the ideas of bribery and 
loan ever to be coupled by you ?* 

I accuse you not, Duff Green — I put nothing to your conscience — I 
leave those things to God and your country. But I am a little curious 
in metaphysics, and wish to understand by what law of mental associ- 
ation it is, that the ideas of loan and bribery first became coupled in 
your understanding ? I am, too, a humble admirer of close logical de- 
duction, and it distresses me beyond measure to trace the progressive 
steps in the argumentative process, by which bribery is fastened on 
the first, open, generous, hazardous, needed, useful loan, from a man 
who had no selfish desire to be gratified ; — while the very suspi- 
cion of it is repelled, from the last, secret, safe unnecessary, useless 
loan, from men who were avowed candidates for appointments, and to 
whose objects you have lent your aid with devotion and effect. Ex- 
plain this, if you can, on any principle of honesty or honor, and I will 
acknowledge, that your claim to my execration is something weaker 
than I had supposed. COLUMBUS. 



COLUMBUS, NO. XL 

The Electors of the United States had scarcely given their suffrages 
for president, and the result of the violent contest become known, 
when the Statesman party prepared to enter into the various offices, 
in this place, dependant on the federal government. Never, since 
the time of Jack Cade, was seen such a motley host ready to bear, 
on their ragged shoulders, the honors and the burdens of public af- 
fairs. You would have thought, to have watched their motions, and 
listened to their sentiments, that the time was at length arrived when 
the beggars were to mount horses, and ride to as the old adage 

*There is something as admirable as peculiar in Duff Green's gratitude. He lias some 
workings of kindness to Dr. Ingalls, and would really like to do him good, if the Dr. would 
be obedient. Duff has been exceedingly anxious to have the Dr. unite with Duffs tools of 
the Statesman, and Ins made him bounteous offers of public offices. But as the Dr. will 
have an opinion of his own, Duff gets quite outrageous, and showes his gratitude for the 
almost unprecedent liberality of the Dr. by threatening, unless some other person will 
stop exposing Duff, that he will expose the Doctor's private correspondence !!! 



49 

has it. Apothecaries quitted their drugs, and their pestles, and thought 
to physic no diseases hut those of the state. Leaving the mortars of 
medicine, they prepared to direct the mortars of war, and to change 
the scene from the shop to a public department — from the ragamuffins 
of the State? man, to the courts of foreign states and princes. The 
sellers of drams and grog said, that the time was come when they would 
no longer collect cents from dirty Irishmen, but would preside over 
the revenue of a nation ; and instead of shop boys, would have public 
dignitaries tc . aid them. The butcher thought, that he who had so long 
administered to private hunger, was best aide to supply public wants, 
and would quit his shambles for the stately department of the customs. 
The tailor contended, and with great force, that he who made clothes 
for the nav al service, was the most competent to buy them, and would 
quit his needle and goose, sooner than the navy agency should remain 
in incompc tent hands. The printer thought, that no profession was so 
intimately connected with the post office as his, and stamping letters, 
upon the \ vhole, rather a more dignified, as it was certainly a more lu- 
crative business, than pressing newspapers. The enthusiasm was in- 
deed so general, that all orders of men seemed to lose sight of their pri- 
vate pursuits, and, in the ardor of patriotism, to devote their all to the 
service of the country. The quack, to dose the body politic with his 
drugs — the tinman, to tinker the flaws of the constitution, the uphol- 
sterer, to wrap dignified rank in a more becoming drapery, and the ma- 
ker of bods, to supply feathers for tar, on those who should retire. 
All seized upon their prey, and the merry burden of the song went 
round, 

" We're all on hobbies, gee up, gee ho." 

To the sober and discreet citizen, this was rather a scene of amuse- 
ment than humiliation How little, it was thought, do these people 
know of the manly character, and elevated sentiments of Gen. Jackson, 
to suppose that corruption will find favor in his sight, and the dignified 
trusts of the public be conferred on the most degraded classes of the 
people. To us who felt scarcely less deeply for the character of the 
party, than the honor of the country, it was absolutely a subject of 
merriment, to think how the air built castles which the beggars had 
raised, would vanish at the first stern sober glance of the hero of his 
country. " It will not be three months," said a Jackson man from the 
south, of high character and rank, who visited here during the contest 
— " after the election of Gen. Jackson, before these Statesman men, 
and their Duff Green's, and others of their class, will be abusing the 
president as zealously as they are now abusing his opponents." 

The expectations of ourselves, however, and of the honorable men 
of the Jackson party who thought with us, have been wofully disappoint- 
ed. The low men succeeded, and are still triumphant. But neither 
our friends, nor ourselves, can believe that we were mistaken in the 
views and intentions of the president. The unexpected result is as- 
cribed to a combination of circumstances, partly fraudulent, and partly 
accidental, by which a true knowledge of the state of things has been 



kept from the president ; and which have placed him in a position as' 
little satisfactory to himself, as to us. The first moment of the meet- 
ing of congress was seized upon by the Statesman party, for the com- 
mencement of the measures by which the offices were to be secured. 
Mr. Nath'l. Greene first posted to Washington, under the convenient 
pretext of reporting the debates, to pour his malignant falsehoods into 
the ears of the members from all quarters of the country. Duff Green 
had been retained to support him, and this American Marat made his 
assistance effectual with all he could influence or deceive. Mr. Greene 
had been there but a short time, when he was followed by member after 
member of the Statesman party, to reiterate the same falsehoods, and 
advance the same objects. In the course of the political season, nol 
less than twenty of these profligate agents assembled, and remained, in 
active cooperation, until their desires were accomplished. There was 
not, probably, a man of the party who visited the seat of government, 
who was not himself a candidate for office ; and who, if not a direct 
party to the intrigue, was not, at least, dependant on its success for his 
own. No wonder all these men were clamorous for Mr. Henshaw, 
for they were well aware it were to be clamorous for themselves. The 
disregard of decency, and of respect for the president, which these 
proceedings evince,— the disgraceful, unblushing character of the 
whole transaction, — it was thought by honorable men, would fill the 
president and his cabinet with disgust. But the confusion of the mo- 
ment, and the entire want of knowledge of the actual local patties, by 
the members of the cabinet, who happened, in this respect most unfor- 
tunately, to be inexperienced men, presented the cnly possible means 
of the intrigue being successful. 

The Jackson republican party could not, let the consequences be 
what they might, degrade themselves so far, or insult the president 
so much. They stood aloof, relying upon their known public 
course, upon the integrity of their characters, and upon that reputa- 
tion which the government could not have failed to be aware of, upon 
the slightest inquiry of respectable men. The Statesman agents gave 
themselves out as a committee of the Jackson party in Boston, and the 
absence of a similar committee from our party, gave some color to 
the pretext. As the Jackson republicans presented but one candidate, 
Col. Orne for the collectorship, the single object of the Statesman 
host was to put him down, in order to make the whole game their 
own. Some of the gross falsehoods uttered against him, have already 
been fully exposed, and there were probably many others, similar, 
which have not yet come to light. Their calumnies were listened to 
by men, whose own sense of dignity, alone, should have repelled them. 
The Jackson republicans despised these slanders too much to reply to 
them ; and insulted not the presence of the chief magistrate of the 
country, by exhibitions of contention ; nor his ear, by details of slan- 
der. Honorable men shrunk from the scene which the intriguers then 
monopolized, and, unfortunately for the government, and the country, 
but too successfully for their plans. We retained our delicacy, our 



51 

respect for the government, and our attachment to tho purity of the 
public institutions — and we fell. 

There are a few of the known grounds on which the claims of the 
Statesman party were urged, which it may be important for me, cur- 
sorily, to consider. 

It was said, in the first place, that they were the oldest supporters 
of the president— but this groundless, ridiculous pretension has al- 
ready been effectually exposed. Dr. Ingalls, Gen. Lyman and Col. 
Orne, who established the Jackson Republican, were opposed to Mr. 
Adams from the commencement of the contest for a successor to Mr. 
Munroe, and were, of course, always for the candidates of that oppo- 
sition ; and when the united ' el 4y presented but one, were for Gen. 
Jackson. This period commenced with the Panama discussions. 

The next ground was the superior pecuniary sacrifices they made in 
the cause. But the incontestible truth is that, in the Jackson contest, 
by far the largest amount of pecuniary sacrifices was made by the pro- 
prietors of the Jackson Republican. The friends of the Statesman 
can show but little, if any, loss in this behalf, independent of the enor- 
mous equivalents they are drawing from the public treasury. The 
claims in this respect, made by Mr. Nathaniel Greene, fire ridiculous 
in the extreme, and shall hereafter be the subject of special considera- 
tion. This ground, however, if it were just, presents but a miserable 
claim for public trusts — the conferring of which should regard only the 
welfare of the country, the honor of the government, and the public as 
well as party character and qualifications of the candidates. 

But the main point in their pretensions was their comparative supe- 
riority of numbers. We, they said, were a handful, while they were a 
numerous party — there were not twenty of us, while they were eight 
or nine hundred strong. If this pretension were just, which I shall 
presently show was entirely destitute of foundation, it would afford no 
ground for the preference ; for the friends of General Jackson who had 
been wronged, ought not to be denounced by him on account of the 
smallness of their numbers : nor the wrong doers to be rewarded for 
the largeness of theirs. The question would still have remained, which 
party was able to afford the most efficient aid to the government ? and 
the preference would have been at once given to the Jackson republi- 
can party, for the superior influence of their character, and the less 
objectionable course of their conduct. The ascendancy of the Jack- 
son republican party involved the sacrifice of no other portion of Gen- 
eral Jackson's friends. They unfurled a banner under which all the 
supporters of the president could rally ; while that of the Statesman 
involved a sacrifice of a part. With the Jackson republicans, all the 
respectable part of our population, who did not wish to engage in an 
opposition to the government, would rally — while the Statesman party 
could never, by any possibility, attract the public confidence. If Col. 
Orne, or any other respectable member of that party, had been ap- 
* pointed collector, there would have been but one party here, and that 
of the Statesman would have instantaneously gone down. Some twen- 
ty or thirty disappointed men would have gone into the opposition, 

7 



52 

while all the rest of the party would have acted in harmony together. 
But, in fact, the numbers of the Statesman party were not greater than 
those of the Jackson Republican. 

The vote for electors was a Jackson vote, regardless of the division. 
It comprised the whole body of Gen. Jackson's friends, federal and 
democratic, Statesman and Jackson republican. The aggregate vote 
atforded no ground of measuring the comparative strength of the differ- 
ent parties who combined to cast it. The vote for Dr. Ingalls, one of 
the proprietors of the Jackson Republican, who was put up for con- 
gress long after the existence of the paper, although affected by tariff 
considerations, was, within one hundi se \ as strong as the electoral 
vote. The denunciation of our party by Duff Green, on whose influ- 
ence and efforts, no doubt, very much was expected by this communi- 
ty, gave much strength to the Statesman party. And yet, afterwards, 
on the only occasion when the Statesman party relied on the support of 
their strength, independent of ours, to wit, on the nomination of An- 
drew Dunlap for mayor, their number, if I remember correctly, and I 
am sure I can be mistaken but in few votes, was short of three hun- 
dred. Even here, however, they had some support, auxiliary to their 
own ; for Mr. Dunlap was run, not merely as a Jackson, but as the 
only democratic candidate, and the force of party prejudices gave him 
some strength. That which approached the nearest to a test of num- 
bers, was the dinner celebration on the fourth of March ; we, in Fan- 
euil Hall, being about five hundred, while they, in the Washington 
Gardens, fell short of 700. Their nutnbeis, however, were augment- 
ed by uncommon exertions out of Boston, and it has been supposed by 
some that the collection embraced nearly as many from without as from 
within the city. The Statesman party after this never made an effort 
by which their strength could be fairly tested. In the spring election 
of state senators, the Statesman- Jackson, and the democratic Adams 
parties, united for a mixed ticket ; and their aggregate force was only 
about nine hundred. This ticket presented the united candidates of the 
Statesman and Patriot newspapers, and the democratic friends of the 
latter, compared to those of the former, were certainly as two to one. 
In the subsequent election of representatives the same course was 
pursued ; an union Jackson and Adams democratic list was supported, 
and it again failed. The requisite number, however, was not at first 
elected by the national republicans, and the Statesman run a Jackson 
list to fill the vacancies. I do not recollect precisely their whole num- 
ber of votes, but it was, 1 think, considerably short of those Mr. Dun- 
lap had previously obtained, — probably about two hundred. 

It was true the Jackson republican list of senators, put up exclusive- 
ly on Jackson ground, obtained only about three hundred votes. But 
this effort was made after success was despaired of, after the party had 
been apparently given up by the government to be denounced, and 
those appointments had been made, and others boasted of, which must 
be fatal to the growth of any Jackson party in this commonwealth. If 
the circumstances had been reversed, the Statesman party would not 
have been one hundred strong, while that of the Jackson republicans 



53 

would have approached two thousand. This is a matter of opinion only, 
it is true ; but it is that ot' a man who has some reputation to lose, and 
who would do more than hazard it by a public assertion destitute of 
reasonable grounds of probability. 

The grounds, then, on which the public trusts were claimed, by the 
self-constituted agents of the Statesman party, were destitute of truth, 
as well as of merit. Their success had occasioned an irreparable in- 
jury to the government, and inflicted a signal injustice on the most 
honorable portion of the friends of the president in this quarter. 
The low men are in power, in spite of their injustice and their cor- 
ruption. They have gained it without merit, or qualifications, or 
character. They earned their success, neither by an early declara- 
tion for the cause, nor by a constant zeal in support of it. They 
had incurred few sacrifices to gain it success, and possessed no 
strength to recompense, by a future support, the deadly odium of 
their elevation. Vice is sometimes allowed to appear in triumph 
and splendor, but there is an intelligent public opinion, which, like 
the eternal decrees of an all-seeing God, proclaims that its triumph 
shall be short, and that blessings and success shall never follow in 
the footsteps it treads. 

COLUMBUS. 



COLUIVIBUS, NO. XII. 

I have spoken of Mr. Nathaniel Greene's appointment to the Boston 
post office, as one of the most extraordinary measures which ever took 
place under this or any other government. I have incidentally spok- 
en of his character and standing, and will now consider the claims on 
which his pretensions have been supported, and the appointment ^as 
been attempted to be justified. They are, I believe, the following: 

He was, it is said, the publisher and editor of the Boston Statesman. 

He sacrificed a great many thousand dollars in support of the Jack- 
son cause. 

He had been persecuted by the city authorities on account of his po- 
litical conduct. 

That Mr. Nath'l. Greene was the publisher of the Boston Statesman 
will not be denied — but before I can admit that he was its editor, I 
must beg to learn in what sense the term is understood. If it be 
meant that he was generally, or even frequently, the writer of the ar- 
ticles which appeared under the editorial head, then most certainly he 
was not the editor. The assertion of the Bulletin, that the Statesman 
had nineteen editors, is certainly within the truth. I have no doubt 
that there are at this moment, in Boston, more than nineteen men 
whose writings have appeared in that paper as editorial. Any one who 
knows Mr. Greene, must know his utter incompetency to write, with 
ability, editorial articles in a newspaper. His information on political 
subjects is as limited as his political principles are vague and indefinite. 
He never was a partizan even by profession ; and if he knows the sub- 



O-J 



stantial difference between a federalist and a democrat, an aristocrat 
and a jacobin, which I seriously doubt, it is certain that he cares noth- 
ing about it. Mr. Greene seldom wrote, so far as I have any knowl- 
edge of the paper, unless when personally attacked, or some little 
scrap of an article intended to be witty, in imitation of Mr. Noah — 
and himself, as it was the only subject about which he cared in poli- 
tics, so it was the only one which could call forth his eloquence. 

But if it had been true that he was the editor, was he not paid for 
the services he rendered ? What supported his family, certainly not 
in a manner remarkable for its economy, but the recompense he obtain- 
ed in his vocation ? Is a man, as Duff Green most pointedly asked, 
entitled to double recompense for the same services ? Are the labors 
of editors really gratuitous in a cause ? Do they receive noth- 
ing more than the expense they are at in employing the servi- 
ces of others ? The idea is something new that a party must support 
a printer for his adherence to their cause, and the printer have all the 
advantages of the party's success It was not thus in times of yore ; 
by what improved state of the public intelligence does it happen now ? 
And if it be generally understood as an established precedent, how 
long will parties continue to labor for the elevation of printers ? 

But suppose him both the publisher and editor, does that fact alone 
entitle him to his station, or is something like superior merit, talents, 
or devotion to the cause — the rendering of important services — also 
necessary ? Was the Boston Statesman servicable to the Jackson 
cause ? So far from it, there is no speculative opinion, of the truth of 
which I am more deeply convinced than this : that if there had been 
no such paper in existence, the Jackson cause, in this state, would 
have been supported by twice the numbers, and those, too, ten times 
more respectable in character. This is not an opinion which has 
sprung up under the influence of paity dissensions ; but it has been 
for years the sentiment of the writer, and a sentiment too in which he 
has been joined by a very large number of the most respectable friends 
of the present administration. It was a subject of common observation 
and complaint, for years, and numerous facts could be adduced to ren- 
der that opinion almost incontrovertible. Such coarse and abusive 
writings as those of Mr. Henshaw, and Mr. Dunlap, never did, and 
never can benefrt a party, with an intelligent community. The cause 
they support emits a bad odor which keeps respectable men from em- 
bracing it ; and not unfrequently disgusts such as manifest a prefer- 
ence in its favor. Let the writings of these men, in that paper, be re- 
ferred to, and then say how it was possible that any good cause could 
be advanced by them. "What light do they throw on the true grounds 
of the party contest ? Who can learn by these writings any thing of 
the character of party principles, of public measures, of the qualifica- 
tions of men, or of the state or national institutions ? A few heads, 
which any school boy could commit to memory in half an hour, con- 
tained all the subjects of their learned discussion ; and on these the 
changes were rung in infinite variety. A few cabalistic phrases, re- 
iterated until the ear was fatigued with the monotony, and the spirits 



..<<' 



55 

• 

were exhausted by the endless recurrence of the same unvarying sub- 
ject, contained the sum of their intelligence and their arguments. 
The Hartford convention, artstocracy, the royal family of the Johns, 
gag laws, federalism, democracy, and John Adams' nose, were the con- 
centrated essence of all the thought, and all the eloquence, which 
these accomplished statesmen poured, in such protracted cadence, into 
the wearied ears of the community. Instead of benefiting a cause, I 
know of no better means of rendering it odious and contemptible, in 
this section of the country, than by such support as Messrs. Henshaw 
and Dunlap rendered, to Gen. Jackson, for a few years past, in the 
polluted columns of the Boston Statesman. If the contest obtained any 
support among us, it was not by, but in defiance of the aid of these 
writers. 

But Mr. Greene sacrificed in the support of the cause many thousand 
dollars. It has been stated that he carried to Washington figures and 
documents to prove, that the sacrifices involved by his devoted zeal, 
did not fall much short of thirty thousand dollars. Every Jackson- 
man who has any knowledge of the affairs of the Statesman, could at 
once prove the entire falsehood of this assertion. The Statesman nev- 
er sacrificed, and never lost a dollar, in the service. It was published 
eight or nine years, but never with a profit. It yielded a very liberal 
support to Mr. Greene, and his family and associates — it gave them a 
living, but it could not gain them a fortune. A paper of such a char- 
acter never could succeed in this intelligent community. But though 
it gained nothing, it probably lost little. To conduct such a paper for 
many years required a capital of many thousand dollars, and as this was 
not possessed by the publishers, loans were made them by Messrs. 
Henshaw and Simpson, and by Col. Orne. The largest advance was 
made progressively, by the former gentleman, reluctantly but of ne- 
cessity, as means of preventing the failure of the press, and the loss of 
a part of the sum in advance. But the stock, apparatus, &c. of an es- 
tablishment of this magnitude, were the means of his indemnity ; and 
it is not believed that they were very deficient for the object. It was 
in his power, at any day, to compel the proprietors to make an absolute 
conveyance of the establishment. The next largest loan was made 
by Col. Orne, and for a long time the very largest. But he calculated, 
in the event of difficulty, that his advances would be sunk. Does the 
temper these people have recently evinced towards him leave any 
room to doubt the justice of his apprehensions ? 

But whether the paper advocated one cause or another, was a ques- 
tion of interest, on which the chances were calculated, and the risk 
deliberately taken. It was deemed by the publishers the most politic 
course to advocate the cause of Mr. Crawford, as his success would 
place the interests of the paper on very commanding ground. The 
chance of Mr. Crawford's success they deemed the best. In this they 
were mistaken, and their calculations defeated. But it by no means 
follows because a speculation is unsuccessful, that interest is not the 
object of it. The disappointment of the publishers made them sick of 
political speculations, and very resolute in refusing to engage in oth- 



crs. Towards the close of the contest, the same chances invited to*a 
support of Gen. Jackson, and in this they were successful. There was 
every ground to believe that his success would place the party in as- 
cendancy in this commonwealth, and if such a paper could ever be- 
come profitable, that circumstance would have rendered it so. But 
does this calculation of chances show a disposition to make sacrifices 
in a cause ? Is not self-interest, after all, the object by which the 
course is regulated ? Would their chance have been better in the sup- 
port of Mr. Adams ? Certainly not half so good. In that game they 
had too many competitors, and those too in much better estimation ; 
and Mr. Adams' success could have promised them no possible advan- 
tage. 

Yet not only did the support of General Jackson afford the best 
chance of profit, but was the immediate cause of extensive patronage 
If a subscriber withdrew for such a cause, ten new ones were immedi 
ately obtained. The ordinary course of aiming to advance a cause 
is to increase the circulation of the paper by which it is advocated 
To obtain such circulation has been frequently the object of the party 
And funds have been at various times subscribed, and gratuitously 
bestowed on the publishers, to enable them to travel in order to ad- 
vance the cause by the increase of their subscription. The support of 
General Jackson was, therefore, to them the occasion of an immedi- 
ate aid, as well as ultimate flattering prospects. Surely if sacrifices 
are the ground of political claims, the printers of a party are frequent- 
ly the last men entitled to the advantage. 

Perhaps, however, it will be said that, by the support of this cause, 
the publishers of the Statesman lost the patronage of men in power. 
If so, there could not be expressed a greater mistake. There was no 
press in Boston that received half the patronage of the Adams party, 
which was given to the Statesman printers. — They were, in the first place, 
printers to the state. This, it may be said, they obtained by the lowest 
bid at auction. It may be so, but the public have the evidence on the 
trial of Mr. Child for a libel, and can judge for themselves, whether 
or not the Adams committee, of an Adams legislature, were, or were 
not willing to give True and Greene a bonus over all other candidates, 
of five hundred dollars a year. At least all will be satisfied that if there 
was no favor, there was no persecution in that affair. 

Theij were also printers, a part of the time, for the city authorities, — an- 
other body of Adams partisans. This they ultimately lost, for a cause 
which I shall soon consider, but for which they claim great merit. 
They had, a portion of the term, the printing of the general post office 
in Washington — a most lucrative concern. Here they had the very 
patronage of the Adams government itself, andfora period of time 
during the Jackson contest, as long as any paper, or printers, in New- 
England. This was not obtained by the lowest bid at auction. The 
post master, Dr. Hill, advertised his letters, half the time, in the Statesman. 
The patronage was equally divided between the Statesman and Patri- 
ot. This did not look much like Adams proscription. And, though 
last, not least, the Statesman, during the whole last seven years of the 



57 

presidential contest, had a large portion of the printing of the Boston cus- 
tom-house. Another pretty valuable job, from the Adams government, 
and one which does not look much like proscription ! What renders 
this last patronage the more remarkable, is, that it was conferred by a 
collector whom the Statesman was constantly exerting itself to turn 
out, and who has since been obliged to yield his place to the disinter- 
ested Mr. Henshaw. Here, I apprehend, was a kind of proscription, 
which Adams papers would have liked to surfer from the Adams party. 
Let him, who can, show, in the whole of New England, an equal 
amount of Adams patronage conferred on any other press. Let any 
Adams press show an equality, in this respect, with the Statesman, and 
I will hold my tongue about proscription. 

But, in one case, indeed, Mr. Greene certainly was proscribed. It 
has been proclaimed all over the country, and therefore must be true. 
The president has been told of it repeatedly. It has been rung over 
and over again, in the ears of every member of the cabinet, and of eve- 
ry member of Congress. It has really made Mr. Greene a martyr in 
the Jackson cause, and rejoiced distant partisans much that he has 
been so amply indemnified. This is a high pretension — let us examine 
it a little. 

The city government invited offers for their printing, with an under- 
standing that they should have it who would do it on the lowest terms. 
Mr. Greene offered lower than any one else, and it was refused him. 
This is conclusive proof that he was a martyr for Jackson ; oh, cer- 
tainly — it was not possible there could t>e any other objection to Mr. 
JVathH. Greene. 

Whether this course, in its spirit, is to be blind to the persons who 
make the offers, and to disregard altogether their skill, character, fidel- 
ity and probable compliance with their contract, or otherwise, I will 
not stop now to consider. Nor will I ask, either, whether public 
officers cannot, with propriety, resort to this mode of inviting com- 
petition, without being compelled to employ men whom, in their 
judgment, they deem to be disreputable. In point of fact no body of 
men were ever more grossly, scurrilously, indecently, and outrageous- 
ly abused, than the city authorities were, by this same Statesman, 
which did thejr printing. I know not what others may think ; but for 
myself, and I speak it without hesitation, the party which can degrade 
itself so far, in order to save a few dollars, as to employ revilers which 
would disgrace Billingsgate, are only less contemptible than the worse 
than Billingsgate revilers, who seek the patronage of those whom they 
abuse. 

It may be, however, that to abuse the city authorities was to ad- 
vance the cause of Gen. Jackson ; and to lose the printing of those 
authorities for such abuse, was suffering martyrdom in Gen. Jackson's 
cause. The writer does not dispute this reasonable position, but only, 
modestly, suggests his difficulty of following out the premises to the 
conclusion. 

But was the abuse of themselves, even, the caus"e why the city au- 
thorities would not suffer Mr. Greene to be their printer ? Let us look 



58 

at the evidence of one of the city officers, under oath, in a court of 
justice, on the trial of an indictment. I refer to that of Mr. Hayden, 
the auditor of the city. See trial of David Lee Child, for a libel on 
John Keyes, page 40. 

" William Hayden Esq. City Auditor. Some bills of Messrs. True & 
Greene against the Commonwealth for printing were put into my hands 
by Mr. Child, and I made a general examination of them ; but could 
not make it thorough because I had not the work before me which 
they had executed. I compared their charges with their contracts. I 
found that in charging, there ivas a general disregard of the rates in their 
proposals. There was a charge of $150 for printing 1500 election ser- 
mons, which should have been $75. There was a deduction by the com- 
mittee of $25 ,• but the charge was still $50 too high.— There was a 
charge for blank leaves put into Rules and Orders in each year. In 
1826, the proposal in the contract ivas Rules and Orders at so much per 
copy " complete,' 1 '' and yet the extra charge ivas continued. In general the 
bills of True and Greene were made out without much reference to their 
contracts. 

Cross examined by the Solicitor General. I never called on True and 
Greene, nor on the committee for explanation of these bills. Mr. Child 
did not apply to me first. I asked him whether he had ever compared 
True and Green's bills with their proposals, observing, that if they serv- 
ed the Commonwealth as they had done the city, they paid very little re- 
gard to their contracts. True and Greene have had the city printing, 
but not in the two last years."* 

Here then, I suppose, is no objection to Mr. Greene ! He makes 
the lowest proposals, obtains the printing, but little regards his propos- 
als in his charges. The offer must be taken, because it is the loivest, 
although the work when done, may be the highest. A man must be 
employed if he bids well, although he pays very little regard to his 
contract. Surely the loss of the city printing was martyrdom for Gen. 
Jackson, and deserves, eminently deserves, the Boston post office ? 
But a single question about Mr. Greene, and I have done for the pres- 
ent. Did Mr. Greene declare to a gentleman of high standing and un- 
impeachable veracity, that the loss of the city printing was the object 
he tried to effect ? I can name such a gentleman. But [{suffering for 
. a cause be martyrdom, Mr. Greene, why then to inflict the injury on 
yourself must be mote than martyrdom. It was self devotion for Gen. 
Jackson. Hurra for the martyr .' COLUMBUS. 

COLUMBUS NO. XIII. 

The appointments of Mr. Andrew Dunlap and Mr. David Henshaw, 
I have said, excited nearly as much astonishment and regret, as that 
of Mr. Nathl. Greene. I have never heard a statement of the grounds 
on which Mr. Dunlap was appointed. As a professional man, his es- 
timation by the bar of Suffolk he is probably well aware of, and of 
which the curious may be informed by inquiry of any of its respectable 



51) 

members. The extent of his sacrifices in the Jackson cause, I have 
never heard stated — nor, indeed, a rumor that he had made any, un- 
less the subscription of a sixth part of the luan of six thousand dollars 
to Dutf Green, long. after the contest was ended, and near the time 
when the offices were expected to be conferred, be a sacrifice. This 
was no doubt hazarded for the good of the cause, and without any pos- 
sible motive of self interest ; and if any profit has grown out of it, it 
must have been entirely accidental, and unexpected by Mr. Dunlap. 

This gentleman also* writes and makes speeches. Mr. John Adams' 
nose, was at once the main subject of his wit and his services ; and 
this, with an occasionally novel and brilliant allusion to monarchy 
and gag laws, and a few sneers on " good society," were the sum of 
his splendid political discussions. The gentleman is so remarkably 
modest in regard to his own praise, that he seldom is pleased with a 
notice of his professional efforts, and is quite overpowered if one of his 
set speeches should appear in the public prints. I suppose, however, 
that his main pretension was his consistent and disinterested support of 
Gen. Jackson. — His fidelity is indeed justly a subject of wonder, for 
in the last five years he has not avowed a preference for more than 
four candidates — a very moderate number, indeed, considering the host 
which the people of the United States have had offered for their suf- 
frages, for the most elevated trust in their gift. The support he ren- 
dered to his first candidate, whom he facetiously calls John the 2d, 
was magnanimous in the extreme, considering his antipathy to royalty, 
and the house of Braintree ; and his adherence to Mr. Adams, until 
Mr. Crawford's prospects appeared much the better, a degree of self 
devotion not common among politicians. Although Mr. Clay was his 
second avowed favorite, his consenting to waive his cause for the 
stronger one of Crawford, was as creditable to his sagacity, as the in- 
tention of bringing it forward again when Mr. Clay's chance might be 
the best in the field, was to his generous disinterestedness. In what 
way he got on the Jackson ground, it is impossible for the writer to 
imagine, unless he fell from one of Mr. Adams' " light houses in the 
skies." His exceeding dislike to a change of candidates was perhaps 
the only reason why Mr. Calhoun did not come in for a share of his 
preference ; but to make atonement for an omission at which, certain- 
ly, Mr. Calhoun might have some reason to complain, it is supposed 
that he will prefer him hereafter, if the government should happen to 
devolve on the vice president, or the united and preponderating strength 
of the Jackson party should support him as its candidate. 

Mr. Henshaw's claims are indeed of a most opposite character. His 
generous and disinterested sacrifices are truly almost incomprehensi- 
ble. No man before ever hazarded so much money, with such an 
avowed, insurmountable dislike of office. The utter incapability of his 
nature to consent to receive any recompense for what was dictated by 
mere patriotism, and generous zeal, is notorious to the country — or at 
least ought to be so ; for it was in every body's mouth as well as his 
own. His consenting to receive the collectorship here, was in itself 
one of the most reluctant sacrifices which a man could be called on to 
8 



60 

make for his country ; for the profits of his drug shop might he as much, 
or more ; the occupation, certainly, was not less dignified, and the re- 
ceipt of both absolutely impossible. His only objection to the post of- 
fice being given to Mr. Nathaniel Greene, was, that Mr. Greene was 
largely his debtor, and though the payment of the debt did not depend 
on the appointment, yet the time of payment would. To have it 
thought possible, that the refunding of loans, made for so many years 
in the pursuit of his political promotion, until, by degrees, the amount 
became large, could have been an object with ' so generous a patriot, 
distressed him beyond measure, and made Mr. Greene's appointment 
almost as unwelcome as his own. And what is still more remarkable, 
out of the richest class of offices dependent upon the collector, that of 
weighers and guagers, he has made two removals, and has given only 
one to a brother — and him he did not send into the country for, more 
than forty miles ! His enemies indeed might say that to take his broth- 
ers out of his old lucrative business, would have made them incur a 
sacrifice almost equal to his own. This, however, is mere malice — the 
true reason was, undoubtedly, his generous devotion to the interests of 
the party which brought him forward. Of Mr. Henshaw's other claims 
I can say little. It ha3 been publicly said, and not contradicted, that 
up to a late period in the Jackson campaign, he entertained for the 
president the most unfavorable opinions, and denounced his conduct in 
unmeasured terms. When he changed his opinion, or whether he 
ever did change it, 1 do not know ; but apprehend, if he were request- 
ed to show an article written during the campaign favorable to the 
president's character, he might find it somewhat difficult. Of any po- 
litical writings, except a Quixotic attack on one of the greatest wri- 
ters of the age, Dr. Channing, which resembles, in more than one 
point, the scene of the wind-mill, I have no knowledge, unless indeed 
it be of some floating paragraphs, on the Hartford Convention, the gag 
law, house of Braintree, &c. 

But the most remarkable circumstance in the history of Mr. Hen- 
shaw, is his extreme repugnance to receive the collectorship of Bos- 
ton. His pledge while a candidate for Elector, that he would not take 
the custom-house, if it were offered him, might well be more natural 
than sincere, but his unwillingness to receive the appointment when it 
was about being conferred, could net have been dissembled, and is an 
unanswerable proof of his disinterestedness. His misrepresentations 
of, and opposition to, all other candidates, do not render his sincerity 
suspicious, because he might honestly doubt whether any other but 
himself could be found qualified for the place. — Upon balancing all the 
testimony on the subject, we must come to the conclusion that his ac- 
ceptance of the office was unequivocal evidence of his disinterested- 
ness and patriotism ; and that his systematic .attacks upon Col. Orne, 
for so many years, to get him out of the way, was simply from his zeal 
that the duties of the office should be faithfully performed. There is 
only one circumstance, and this of no great moment, which it is difficult 
to reconcile, and this may not probably be true. I give it as I heard 
it, not vouching for the truth, but ready to name informants, if it be de- 



61 

nied. It comes a good deal in the shape of rumor, but rumor that keeps 
its ground in spite of time and notoriety. 

While we, simple souls, of the Jackson republican party, were 
quietly at home, abstaining from persecuting the president as soon 
as he commenced his duties, and waiting in full confidence that the 
changes would be cautiously made, and the claims deliberately eX- 
amined, Mr. Henshavv was at Washington, it is said, pressing for 
the appointment of somebody. Mr. Fiancis Baylies was also, it is 
said, at Washington, not applying for the office, but willing to 
take it. It would seem that Mr. Henshavv became much alarmed 
by an impression that the president was on the point of nominating 
Mr. Baylies to the senate. How much he and the other members of 
the Statesman committee, wrote, and what terrible things they said, at 
this alarming conjuncture, we know only by a rumor still more vague. 
But if this is to be credited, they swore more terribly than our " army 
in Flanders." — It happened that Mr. Josiah Dunham, rope maker, of 
Boston, was also there, and, at this most perilous moment, was waited 
on by Mr. Henshaw, almost out of breath, as the story goes, claiming 
his instantaneous aid, if he ever meant to render it, in procuring the 
collectorship. The president would act upon the subject the very 
next morning, and Baylies would have it. Mr. Dunham was urged 
to procure a certain New England senator to recommend Mr. Hen- 
shaw, but Mr. Dunham chooses, before moving for Mr. Henshaw, to 
stipulate for one or two conditions. Would Mr. Henshaw, if he was 
appointed collector, give certain subordinate stations to three of Mr. 
Dunham's friends — to wit, Dr. Stevens, John D. Dyer, and Abraham 
H. Quincy ? To this, it is said, Mr. Henshaw assented. Now it so 
happened that Mr. Quincy was related to a member of the family of 
the senator in question, and Mr. Dunham informs that member that if 
Mr. Henshaw should happen to get the place, Mr. Quincy would be 
provided for. On this suggestion, it is said, the member procures the 
required letter from the senator. Mr. Baylies does not obtain the ap- 
pointment, and Mr. Henshaw, ultimately, does. Whether this be true 
or not, I believe there is no doubt of the fact, that Dr. Stevens, and 
Mr. John D. Dyer, have obtained places under Mr. Henshaw — and 
whether Mr. Quincy would, or would not, if the president had not put 
a stop to further removals, is the question. I cannot swear, exactly, 
on that subject, but in a loose way I may say that I know that this 
member of the good senator's family has, not very long since, informed 
Mr. Quincy, that the member was much surprised that his appoint- 
ment had not been obtained, as it was so arranged at Washington, if 
Mr. Henshaw were successful. " Upon this hint," Mr. Quincy spake, 
and called, by letter, Mr. Henshaw's attention to the promise. This 
not being effectual, he next waited on him and demanded the fulfil- 
ment of it. Whether it was denied, evaded, or admitted, I have not 
yet satisfactorily learnt. Now this certainly shows no disposition to 
bargain for an office, on the part of anybody, nor even any wish to ob- 
tain one, on the part of Mr. Henshaw ; for it might be that he would 
receive it still, very reluctantly ; but it does look at least a little lik« 



> 



62 

solicitation for an office, though no doubt it was to secure the 
proper discharge of its duties, and altogether for the benefit of his 
party. 

There is one other anecdote, which has been related to me, and 
which I believe, but of course, not on my own knowledge. I have 
however taken all the pains to ascertain the correctness of this, as of 
all matters that I assert on the authority of others 5 and I am satisfied 
of the respectability of the parties who have related it to me, and of their 
opportunities to possess correct information. When it is properly de- 
nied, and the evidence is called for, I shall give up my authors. It il- 
lustrates, not exactly Mr. Henshaw's unwillingness to accept of office, 
but that strict integrity of intention, and impartiality of feeling, of 
which he boasts in his late letter to the president of the United States. 
The passage^is, however, worthy of being given ia his own words. 

" In discharging the duties of the office confided to my care, my object has been 
to obtain trusty and efficient officers. The removals have not been confined to po- 
litical opponents, and so far from being operated upon by feelings of political in- 
tolerance, there are now in office double the number of political opponents that there 
were of political friends when I received my commission. I have endeavoured to 
divest myself of all personal considerations, of every feeling of 
prejudice or partiality, and to look solely to promoting the public interest, 
and the credit and honor of your administration." 

I have already spoken of the most incomprehensible removal, in the 
most insulting manner, of William Little Esq. from the office of ap- 
praiser. I have ascribed it solely to the intrigues of Mr. David Hen- 
shaw, and his patriotic co-adjutors of the Statesman part;/. Mr. Lit- 
tle's appointment was conferred by the president and senate of the 
United States. No one ever yet heard a complaint, that he did not 
discharge the duties of his place in a most faithful and acceptable man- 
ner, to the people and to the government. Mr. Little was a man of 
education, intelligence, and of the highest respectability — of manners 
so courteous and gentlemanly, that, from the infrequency of their be- 
ing possessed in these late money making times, they are referred to 
a distinct class ; and those who possess them are not unfrequently char- 
acterised as " gentlemen of the old school." He was the fellow labor- 
er and sufferer with Washington at Valley Forge, was of the party which 
elevated and sustained Thomas Jefferson, was friendly to the election 
of Gen. Jackson, and was, as it has been several times before assert- 
ed, the head of the most decided Jackson family in New England. 
But, most unfortunately for him, he belonged to the Jackson republi- 
can party, and was related by marriage to Col. Orne. To compare 
such a man as David Henshaw with William Little, were almost as 
great an outrage to the latter, as to compare a clerk in one of the de- 
partments to the president, would be to General Jackson. That the 
removal of William Little was not an intentional act of the president, 
we never for one moment doubted — he is incapable of such an act. 
Mr. Little however was removed, and under marks of greater indignity 
than have ever, perhaps, occurred before under the government of this 
country. The universal astonishment this measure excited cannot be 



63 

described. He was removed to make way for a Mr. Lincoln. Of 
this latter gentleman I had never before heard. That the Jackson 
party of this place contained a man of the name of Lincoln, had nev- 
er reached my ears. My political associates were as uninformed on 
the subject as myself. It was in vain to inquire, for no one seemed 
to know him better than ourselves. Some one hinted that he had once 
received a ticket for a Jackson celebration, and attended. Another, 
that his name was Lincoln, and Mr. John K. Simpson was connected 
with a Lincoln family, by marriage. But the anecdote 1 have refer- 
red to throws some light on the subject, and I will proceed to give it, 
as it comes to my ears. 

Not long after the appointment of Mr. Lincoln as appraiser, the 
property of the firm of Lincoln & McAfTee, of which the appraiser was 
a partner, was sold at public auction, the firm being insolvent. Some 
one of the bystanders remarked, " Mr. Lincoln has been very fortu- 
nate, in the moment of his troubles, in being appointed to a very res- 
pectable office." " How, under heaven," said another, " came he to 
be appointed ; he was no more a Jackson man than I am ?" " It was 
curious enough," was the reply. " ISot many months ago, Mr. Lin- 
coln was at my house at a whist party, and the conversation turned up- 
on the contemplated visit of Gen. Jackson to the north — the gentlemen 
present were much opposed to Gen. Jackson, and some pretty sharp 
expressions were uttered on the occasion. " If he should come," said 
the to be appraiser, "I will be one of a party to give him a coat of tar 
and feat Iters." 

Some of my frends have taken pains to inform themselves of the au- 
thenticity of this anecdote, and are so satisfied of it that I feel author- 
ised to state it. They learned further that Mr. Lincoln never so far 
insulted, or thought of insulting the man whom he had been willing to 
tar and feather, as to apply to him for an office. That, on the contra- 
ry, his attention was first called to the subject by being waited on by 
Mr. David Henshaw, who offered him his support to procure for him 
the place, muck to his surprise ; and on giving a wondering consent, 
twelve days afterwards he received his commission. 

What an extent of devotion is here shown, on the part of Mr. Hen- 
shaw, to the Jackson party — how anxious to give the administration in 
power the support of its friends — " that it should rely for support on its 
friends, and not onits opponents .'" How honest his indignation against 
that class of people, who, while the president was "raising an imper- 
ishable monument of his fame, on the banks of the mighty Mississippi," 
" were singing Te Deums in honor of the victories of our enemies, 
and resolving that it was unbecoming a religious and moral people to 
rejoice in our own !" — Who, now, will doubt, thou dignified, generous, 
disinterested collector of Boston, thy honest attachment to the president, 
or zeal for his cause and his party ? How admirably you divested 
yourself of personal considerations — of every feeling of prejudice or par- 
tiality ! Had you any regard but for the "public interest, and the 
credit and honor of (Gen. Jackson's) administration ?" Who can 
doubt that hostility to Col. Orne was never one moment in your mind, 



64 

in procuring this indignity to William Little ? What ! a man, who 
could reward the bitterest enemy of the president, would he not forgive 
his own ? With such a zeal as Mr. Henshaw's for the "honor and 
credit" of Gen Jackson's administration, it were easier to forgive a 
thousand personal enemies, than one of the government — and such an 
enemy of the government, too — it was an effort of sublime magnanimi- 
ty, — of unparalleled christian meekness and charity ! Gracious God — 
what is that influence in the cabinet which has induced the president 
to sanction this measure ? COLUMBUS. 



COLUBMUS, NO. XIV. 

Among the means resorted to by the Statesman party to effect 
their appointment to offices, were popular recommendations from this 
quarter, and the aid of the Jackson members of Congress from New- 
England. 

There are, perhaps, no sources of influence, against which the exe- 
cutive authority of the nation should be more on its guard, or which 
it should view with more jealousy, than popular recommendations to 
distinguished local appointments. The national constitution, for the 
wisest of purposes, has made executive officers dependent alone on the 
president and senate. They are selected to aid the president in the 
administration of the complicated powers of the government, and they 
form no unimportant part of the executive authority itself. To enlight- 
en the appointing power to the intelligent discharge of this important 
duty, is the proper office of all recommendations ; and none should be 
regarded, — none can with propriety be offered or received, — but such 
as convey a knowledge of the character of claimants, of the wishes of 
the people who are most immedinteiy interested in the duties to be per- 
formed, and of the interests of the local parties from among whom the 
selection, by the established practices under our political institutions, 
and party contests, is to be made. Any influence about local appoint- 
ments exerted by members of congress from states distant from those 
where the offices are to be filled, is so obviously improper, that the ex- 
ecutive ought to view it as an impertinent interference with its pecu- 
liar duties. To the executive must be communicated the information 
which is to direct it in the discharge of its duties — it is the centre to 
which all information on the subject tends — and the branch of the gov- 
ernment not only best adapted to obtain the requisite information, but 
the only one competent to weight it — as some portion of it, and per- 
haps the most important, is derived from sources necessarily confiden- 
tial in their nature. It is to reverse the natural course of proceedings, 
and to confound the proper functions of the government, for the legis- 
lative branch to instruct the executive in regard to its selection of exe- 
cutive officers. It is for the party possessing the least means of in- 
formation, to direct that which possesses the most, and to enlighten the 
source from which alone it can, by the ordinary course of events, and 
by the healthful operations of the public functions, be enlightened. 



65 

A similar interference by a public printer is still more objectionable. 
Not only is this officer not placed by the constitution in the relation of 
an official adviser to the president, but his interference betrays a want 
of respect for the constituted agent of the people. Jt is an attempt, on 
the face of it, to degrade the office of the supreme magistrate of the na- 
tion. As the public printer is not entrusted with the appointing power, 
he is not consequently the object to which requisite information is com- 
municated — and even if without adequate means, he could be suppos- 
ed to obtain that knowledge of local parties, and personal qualifications, 
which could enable him to advise the president, his want of official re- 
sponsibility would leave him without that security for fidelity and integ- 
rity, which our institutions attribute to the constitutional officers of the 
government. The motives which influence him may not be, solely, 
the good of the people, and the honor and reputation of the chief ma- 
gistrate. They may not be the interests of an existing administration, 
but of one which he is striving to build up — not of the actual, but some 
future president. And it is at least possible that he may be influenced 
by considerations much more personal and interested — by those of pri- 
vate advantage — or money. The party which attempt to influence the 
president through the public printer, offer an indignity to him, and an 
outrage to the rights of the people, which merit distrust, repulse and 
censure. They cannot respect the government or public, and, in all 
probability, build their hopes of success, not on merit, but intrigue. 

The attempt to carry an appointment by popular recommendation, is 
again deficient in proper respect for the office where the power of ap- 
pointment is placed by the constitution. To executive intelligence and 
discrimination the important trust is confided — and the popular suffrag- 
es are neither deemed by our political institutions, nor are they, in fact, 
the suitable depository of the power. The attempt to carry an appoint- 
ment by popular recommendation is virtually an attack on the execu- 
tive prerogative, and withholds the confidence which ought, as our in- 
stitutions supposes, to be placed in the chief magistrate. It is virtually 
to wrest from the executive its appropriate functions, and to confer 
them on the people, where, by the constitution, they are not placed. 
It is even worse than this, for popular suffrages are always cast under 
a strong sense of public duty and responsibility — while popular recom- 
mendations are seldom given with deliberation — still more seldom free- 
ly and unsolicited, and never with a belief that they remove from the 
executive the full measure of its responsibility. They are, in fact, too 
frequently an act to which parties attach no manner of importance, 
which they deem to be wholly ineffectual, and consent to, not from a 
conviction of justice or propriety, but as the most easy means of extrica- 
tion from vexatious and embarrassing solicitations. " A long list of 
names," said an old and experienced senator to the writer, " always 
renders me suspicious of a candidate for office — he shows, by the 
act of presenting it, that he dares not trust his qualifications and 
claims to the executive intelligence and discrimination, but relies on 
the popular favor of those among the people, whose motives for, or 
sincerity in their interference cannot be known — whose interest in 



6G 

the prosperity of the administration may be frequently doubted, and 
whose competency to judge of the qualifications of candidates, may 
be, and often is, exceedingly questionable. Rely upon it, sir, such 
means will never be resorted to with effect under the administration of 
Gen. Jackson." 

Scarcely was the result of the presidential contest rendered proba- 
ble, when the Statesman candidates began to cast about for popular 
recommendations. It is not material for my purpose to consider mi- 
nutely the character of the recommendations they obtained. It may 
be sufficient, in general, to say, that they expressed neither the pub- 
lic sentiment of this place, nor that of the most respectable supporters 
of the president — they embraced all who could sign their names, many 
apprentices and children, and in some cases actually women — but as 
the sex of the fairer portion of creation is frequently indicated by their 
names, this was a source which they were ultimately compelled to re- 
ject. It is probably unnecessary to remark that this was a course to 
which the members of the Jackson republican party could not de- 
scend — they heard of Mr. Nath'l. Greene's " round robins" with a 
smile, and rested their pretensions on indisputable claims to respecta- 
bility which, it was supposed, the government must possess ample 
means to learn. Mr. Dunlap, who "thanked God that he wanted no 
office," did not choose to take his chance with the public sentiment 
here, but went to the bar of a neighboring county, in which he was 
born and brought up, for testimony of his former character and quali- 
fications. Whether or not he wished that his efforts should remain a 
secret, from an apprehension of stirring up a competition which he 
might justly have dreaded, I do not know ; or whether he thought that 
the bar of his own county might have shrunk from backing his preten- 
sion to the important legal office of district attorney of this common- 
wealth ; but whatever was the cause, his application was so managed, 
that the disinterested gentleman who " thanked God that he wanted no 
office, and would not take any," was actually appointed by the presi 
dent, in the first moment of his administration, and before his friends 
in this quarter, who felt for his high station a proper respect, had a 
chance even of laying their sentiments before him. 

Mr. Henshaw rested his claims on a different ground. He was 
not to seek an appointment, but only to consent to receive one for the 
gratification of the Jackson party. Instead of his own solicitations, 
he relied with more confidence on the zeal of those who had the 
strongest personal interest in his success, and they were importunate 
enough to satisfy any modest desire in regard to them. 

Any high minded politician who reads this article, will readily com- 
prehend me when I say, that this solicitation of popular support was 
one to which a man of elevated character would not willingly have de- 
scended. To be an active competitor for popular recommendations 
with such men as Andrew Dunlap, Nathaniel, Greene and David Hen- 
shaw, was a degradation from which the soul of every high minded man 
would instinctively have shrunk. In regard to Col. Orne, we know 
that he never thought of the aid of such a measure, until he had it in 



G7 

an indirect, but certain manner from the president, that such recom- 
mendations were expected. They are at best but of little value, but 
so far as they are of weight at all, those of no candidate, from this 
quarter, we will venture to assert, can compare with his. May the 
mercy of heaven ordain, that in the future administration of this gov- 
ernment, no reliance shall be again placed, in the appointment to of- 
fices of an elevated character, upon the hollow and objectionable cri- 
terion of popular recommendations. Even the most deadly enemy of 
the administration who had been placed by the authority of the com- 
monwealth in the national congress, acting under a sense of his high 
responsibility, would have been, if there were no other, a much more 
safe and honorable source of information, from which the character of 
important candidates might be known. 

But of all the influences exerted in the disposition of local offices 
that of Jackson members from the other New England states, was 
the most objectionable. In the first place, their opportunities to obtain 
correct information were the worst which could possibly be imagined. 
Let the Jackson party in Ohio judge how it would have been pleased to 
have their party character and standing judged of by the testimony of 
members from Mississippi, or even Kentucky, on whose territories 
their own border, and it may learn in what way we viewed an imperti- 
nent interference with ours, of members from Maine. Can it be possible 
that an important state like Massachusetts, and a city of such rank in 
this Union as Boston, which could contain a party of sufficient con- 
sequences to have its claim for public appointments even considered, 
yet should not have men of sufficient intelligence, integrity and stand- 
ing, to have their views considered when their own party interests 
were alone to be decided on ? Were we bound to resort to some 
dull and bijroted senator of Maine, or some self sufficient intriguing: 
representative, to obtain certificates of our party character, before we 
could be permitted to approach the executive ear? Ifsuchbethe, 
to us, disgraceful condition on which the confidence of the government 
is to be awarded, thanks be to God that we have not received, and 
never shall receive the marks of its favor. As a citizen of Massachu- 
setts I protest against such interference, and fervently pray that our 
party may never so lose sight of its dignity, and renounce its preten- 
sions to respect, as either to solicit or even suffer such interference. Let 
representatives from Maine intrigue as they may, to quarter one of 
their prominent candidates on us, in order that some Portland collect- 
orship may be left in their grasp, — let a New Hampshire printer dis- 
grace the character and influence of New England, and give just cause 
of offence to the dignity of the government, as much as he may — we 
wash our hands of any benefit to be gained by sucU degrading, imper- 
tinent, insulting interference. It is unnecessary to say that to such 
means the Statesman party did, and the Jackson republican party did 
not resort. 

There is one other channel of influence, only, to which, at this time, 
I think proper to advert. From the commencement of this administra- 
tion, up to the present moment, squads after squads have proceeded 

9 



68 

from Boston to Washington, to solicit appointments from the govern- 
ment. The government, it is said, inquire of them with some solicitude, 
of the estimation of the appointments in this quarter — of the character 
of parties, — and of the character of men. As if information from such 
sources were entitled to confidence ! In one word, let this be under- 
stood. In ninety-nine cases out of a hundred, these men are either 
openly or secretly agents of the Statesman party. The Jackson re- 
publican party, in its present ambiguous relation to the government, — 
supporting it, as we do, with fidelity, but being regarded with suspi- 
cion, — cannot send agents to Washington. Information given by such 
men, is that of one party only in our divisions. Let them receive the 
testimony of our enemies, if they please, but save us, for heaven's sake, 
from that of our falsely pretended friends. There are honorable men 
among us, whose opinions the government can at any time command, 
when they desire them ; — but these office hunters who go there for 
themselves, claiming to have the confidence of the Jackson republican 
party, and obtaining from some of its members, some unimportant let- 
ters, by false pretences, while they have secretly sold themselves and 
our cause to the Statesman party — let them be objects of just jealousy 
and suspicion. Upon the information they give, not the smallest reli- 
ance can be placed. They were, at best, but insignificant hangers on 
of the party, in its hour of prosperity, in the hopes of its support — but 
shameful deserters from it in the hour of its adversity. One of them, I 
am told, gravely recommended to the government the appointment of 
Col. Orne to be navy agent, as if the measure would either satisfy the 
party, or be acceptable to him ! The character of the party, and the 
interests of the government, can be secured by no half way measures, 
like this.^ Fraud and intrigue must be put down, or any change in-this 
quarter will be worse than useless. The same want of confidence is. 
due to the statements of others who are sometimes in Washington on 
similar errands — belonging to neither of the parties, they may perhaps 
be viewed as impartial witnesses. But such men want the favor of those 
who are holden up to us as.the objects of the government's confidence 
— of such as are supposed to have influence, with the cabinet at least, 
if not with the president. They speak such language as it is supposed 
the government would be pleased to hear. If an opinion which will 
neither lie, nor flatter, of the appointments in this quarter be desired, 
let it be sought in the language of our merchants openly addressed to 
the president, — in the ruin of the Jackson parly. 

Were these faithful and unerring monitors regarded, Mr. Henshaw's 
standing would be well understood, and a doubt would be no longer 
felt as to how deeply the feelings of our citizens were outraged by the 
appointment of Mr. Nathaniel Greene. The government would then 
be no longer deceived by the plausible contrivances gotten up to give 
an appearance of popularity to Mr. Greene's appointment. Printers 
of newspapers may take a deep interest in obtaining 'accommodations 
from the actual post master. They may flatter him for his favors, and 
feel compjacency in an appointment which injures the administration, 
and advances the interests of a rival candidate. They may speak fa- 



69 

vourably of improved accommodation, and suffer the government to in- 
fer the public satisfaction. They may repel, with perfect justice, ri- 
diculous charges of stopping letters, on the authority of the president of 
the Statesman 4th of March dinner, to affect a candidate of his own 
recommendation. And the Statesman may know how to play its game 
by ascribing the indiscreet charge to Jackson republicans. But 
printers will not, for they dare not, say, in the face of this community, 
that the appointment of Mr. Greene did not shock the public sentiment 
in this quarter, and injure, — deeply injure — the government. 

The question is not, whether Mr. Greene has, or has not kept back 
letters. This is not an easy matter, as long as confidence is justly 
placed in the character of the respectable clerks in the post office. — 
But a much more important inquiry is, does his character give him 
claims to the public confidence ? Have his political opponents any 
grounds for confidence in his integrity, that he would not abuse their 
correspondence, if he could ? Are they in fact willing to trust him ? 
Let these questions be asked, and there will be no reluctance in fur- 
nishing an answer. 

But of what consequence is it to the government whether printers of 
newspapers be disproportionably accommodated or not ? The objec- 
tion to Mr. Greene is, not that printers may not acquiesce, but that his 
appointment lowers the standard of qualifications for ofhce, outrages 
the friends of the president and deeply injures the character of his ad- 
ministration. Any clerk in the post office — even a slave from the 
president's plantation — might, with proper aid, get through with the 
duties — and the weaker his hold on the public sentiment might be, the 
greater will be his efforts to conciliate public opinion. He would, 
willingly, for that purpose, sacrifice a part of the salary, for the bal- 
ance would still be greater than his greatest ambition ever dared to 
aspire to, or might hope, otherwise, to receive. His efforts might con- 
ciliate some favor from those for whose accommodation they are made, 
but still the " deep damnation" of the appointment remains. "Hacret 
lateri lethalis arundo." Why, it will still be asked, was he selected? 
Why were the pretensions of so many better men disregarded in his 
favor ? Why ought the feelings of honorable Jackson men to have 
been wounded by a selection so degrading, so insulting, so injurious 
to them ? Why ought they to be cursed with a measure which ruins 
their party, and deeply injures an administration they have striven so 
ardently to elevate ? Remember the sentiment, so much misrepre- 
sented, of Colonel Johnson. Men who have acquired appointments 
by corruption, ought not to be kept in because they may try to dis- 
charge honestly their duties. The outraged rights of the people, the 
purity of the public institutions, have their claims. Let them act af- 
terwards "with the purify of the angels of heaven," — and still they bear 
about them the orginal sin, They must make an atonement; from the 
paradise into which they have so thrust themselves as to violate the 
sanctity of its holy ground, they must be turned out. 

COLUMBUS. 



70 



COLUMBUS, NO. XV. 

[conclusion.] 

We are now arrived at the period when the Jackson party, no long- 
er a minority, and no longer in opposition, are in possession of the gov- 
ernment. The commencement of an administration is a moment of 
great interest to a party, and to the country. The commanding traits 
in its character, will ordinarily be developed by its earliest measures ; 
for it is a moment which custom has selected for the avowal of its 
principles, and men are then associated in the administration whose 
views and character are to influence, in an important degree, the # 
reputation of the party, and the prosperity of the republic. It was a 
moment of deep interest to the Jackson parties here, for it teemed with 
their fate. 

The most various and opposite opinions had been expressed of the 
character of Gen. Jackson. The Adams party had denied to him an 
ordinary share of intelligence and integrity, and predicted from his ele- 
vation misfortunes to his country, and disappointment to his friends. 
The Jackson party, on the other hand, seemed bound to him with an 
intense degree of attachment, and evinced an enthusiasm which had 
been awakened by no other candidate since the administration of 
Washington. The doubts of the Adams party did not shake the con- 
fidence of ours. We predicted an administration, in character as ele- 
vated, and in the popular esteem as strong, as any since the adoption 
of the federal constitution. Gen. Jackson had more personal fame, a 
stronger hold on the popular feelings, and a greater independence of 
party thraldom, than any other president, but Washington. His hold 
on the popular will gave him more power, and the character of his par- 
ty gave him better materials, for the construction of an administration 
at once solid and brilliant, prosperous and renowned, than any, without 
exception, which preceded him. The highest talents, and the highest 
virtues of the country, might be called to his cabinet, and were alrea- 
dy placed there by the publie sentiment, and the sentiment of the par- 
ty. The appointments to local offices would be of men of the highest 
grade of character ; the standard of qualifications for political trusts, 
— the most infallible criterion of the strength and splendor of the in- 
stitutions of a republic, and of the wisdom of an administration, — would 
be raised higher — the moral aggregate force of the administration, 
executive and ministerial, would comprehend a larger amount of ta- 
lent and reputation, than the country had before known. It is the 
prominent characteristic of great practical minds, to know mm,— to 
employ as well as to exhibit talents, — to select materials suited to the 
grandeur of its own elevated conceptions. Great commanders have 
great officers. The fame of Napoleon's generals was surpassed only 
by his own. The lieutenants of Alexander, after his death, became the 
sovereigns of the world. Where the proportions of greatness are ob- 
served in the character of the chief, they are observed in those whom 
he calls to associate with him. The impulse is felt through the whole 
machine, military or political, which he moves,— and every grade is 



71 

stamped with a corresponding - excellence, each part is in harmony 
with all the others, — the whole is the exhibition of all that society can 
furnish, or the institutions of government can employ, of that which is 
at the same time useful and honorable, — which advances public pros- 
perity, or builds up political reputation. 

Gen. Jackson was also less embarrassed by party machinery than 
any other candidate ever was. He was not an exclusive party candi- 
date of any known existing political party. lie was emphatic-ally the 
candidate of the people, of all parties, and in defiance of party. From 
the moment he was brought forward, nay, from a period long anterior 
to it, his determination to regard the public interest and honor, in con- 
tempt of the prejudices and watch-words of party, was so distinctly 
avowed, and so prominently claimed, that it lay at the foundation of 
the contest urged in bis behalf, was the nucleus on which his party 
gathered, — was the bond of union between him and his supporters. 

There was, besides, a principle which the party thus built up avow- 
ed, and which, entering into the very elements of its character, might 
be regarded as its moral aim and object — it was the protection and re- 
storation o{ the popular feature, in its purity and beauty — it was the vin- 
dication of the rights of electors from the usurpations of intrigue — it 
was to bring the government nearer to the will, and in closer subjec- 
tion to the power, of the people. The tendency of Gen. Jackson's ad- 
ministration was to put down, and not reward, encroachments on the 
popular rights — to check the purchase of office by the sale of the popular 
franchises — to stop corruption in elections, not to reivard and give it coun- 
tenance. 

Are these principles those which lie at the foundation of this admin- 
istration ? If they are, let us trace their application to the different 
parties of Jackson men in this place. 

I mio-ht speak, in the ffrst place, of their individual character — of 
the elementary materials of which the two parties were composed. 
Feople at a distance who have little knowledge of the individuals at- 
tached to either, may view this as a subject of little importance, or one 
of doubtful controversy, and think it natural that each may claim a 
preference, and vvifh equal reason. But it is not so, and the writer is 
willing to pledge his reputation for veracity on this subject. Let 
those who are in opposition to both sections of the party, who are 
neutral to their question of discord, decide it. Ask the most respecta- 
ble members of the Adams party here — ask, in Washington, our state 
delegation, — men as well informed of the public sentiment, as any in 
this community, and whose -character repels every suspicion of dis- 
honor. Will they not say that the Jackson republican party was, for 
its numbers, as respectable as any our city could form — and will they 
not say, with equal confidence, that the Statesman party, generally, 
was one of the lowest rabble which the polluted retreats of corruption 
could send forth ? Who else, except the parties to the intrigue for of- 
fice which I have alluded to before, but a worthless rabble, insensi- 
ble to the value of reputation, would have aided men in the pursuit of 
the corrupt projects which have been brought to light ? 



72 

But besides the difference in the respectability of their component 
elements, in what did they differ in their objects and principles ? The 
Statesman party proclaimed that no Jackson men but old democrats, 
should be acknowledged, by the administration, as its friends. We 
contended that all the friends of the president who would act with the 
national repuhlican party, should act together on equal grounds, and 
with equal rights. They raised an exclusive party banner — we a 
Jackson banner. They proscribed a part of the friends of the presi- 
dent, — we proscribed nobody. They were for war, among the oppo- 
nents of the* late administration — we were for peace among all the 
friends' of the present. Their success was proscription and division — 
ours was union and harmony. To sanction their course by the gov- 
ernment was to make war. on us — to sanction ours was to hold out the 
olive branch of peace to all who would receive it. Which of these 
parties, then, placed itself on the basis of the principles of the presi- 
dent, and on the pledged policy of his administration ? This question 
has been asked before ; who can answer it, except to the advantage of 
the Jackson republican party ? Many writers have shown a disposition 
to defend the Statesman party — defend them here, and let us see what 
imposing sophism ingenuity can devise, to reconcile facts with the prin- 
ciples with which they are at war. 

But it is not simply that the Statesman party could not furnish men 
whose character, in trusts of dignity, would eLevate the reputation of 
the government. They fell below the humblest standard of qualifi- 
cations for trusts which had been regarded by any previous adminis- 
tration. Never before were offices of dignity conferred on men of so 
low a standing. Instead of elevating the character of the party above 
all others, they degraded it below all example, and all precedent. In- 
stead of augmenting the glory of an administration, they shocked the 
public sentiment to a degree of disgust which our citizens never before 
felt towards people, selected by the constituted authorities of the coun- 
try, to bring home the acts of the government to our own doors. But 
the evil did nol stop here. The question of popular rights was invol- 
ved, and more deeply involved, than by the conduct of any other par- 
ty, or men, or body of men in this country. Whafhas occurred else- 
where equal to it ? Who ever before openly wrested from the people 
the right of selecting the candidates for their suffrages ? Where else 
was the shameless corrupt character of the object so openly avowed ? 
If the influence of the people over the acts of the government was to 
be restored in its purity, where are the claims stronger than here ? 
Are we, in Boston, an exception, as Jackson men, as Americans — so 
that usurpations on our rights are not to be resisted, nay, are to be re- 
warded ? Let the friends of the Statesman party show any thing, if 
they can, in the conduct of Mr. Clay or his friends equal to theirs 
— equally deserving of the indignation of the coifntry, or the cor- 
recting hand of the government. I challenge the union for a par- 
allel ! 

On what principle, then, has the president conferred the trusts of 
the government on that degraded parly ? J call for an answer on any 



73 

one that can furnish it. Their character and qualifications could not 
raise, but degraded the character of the government. They did not 
sustain the principle of Gen. Jackson, of an independence of party 
trammels, but opposed it. He proclaimed that party names should not 
be the basis of his administration — they, that they should. He was for 
bursting the shackles — they, for fastening them more firmly on his 
limbs. They insulted the chief by denouncing his principles, while 
that chief himself has rewarded them, and virtually proscribed the 
friends by whom his principles were professed and defended. Gen. 
Jackson proclaimed that the corrupt interference with the rights of the 
people should be checked by straining the influence and power of his 
administration to the last nerve, — and yet the most signal objects of fa- 
vor — where the trusts conferred are the most disproportioned to the 
character and services of the men, — have been the perpetrators of the 
greatest outrage on the lights of the people, which has ever been 
practised by any party, or any man, in this country. Never, I repeat, 
and I challenge refutation, has corruption appeared, under our form of 
government, in so revolting, and shameful, and disgraceful a form, as 
in the Statesman party of Boston. 

The question then which must arise, and which cannot be winked 
out of sight, is, have we been deceived in our e.-timate of the presi- 
dent's character, or has he been deceived in the character of his ap- 
pointments ? It is reduced to this alternative — there is no other, and 
there is no escape from it. Duff Green, and the Duff-Green party, 
assert, that the president was not deceived, that the character of his 
Boston olficers was fully known to him, and that they retain his confi- 
dence, in spite of their character, and their subsequent glaring folly, 
as fully to this hour, as at the moment of their appointment. 1'his we 
deny. Duff Green says, the president knowingly preferred low men 
for high offices. We contend, he aims to elevate the standard of quali- 
fication, and to throw credit and dignity on the whole aggregate body, 
executive and ministerial, of the administration. Duff Green says, the 
president acted considerately and definitely, on a full knowledge of the 
merits of the subject, and of the conduct and pretensions of the men. 
We say the president has been deceived by diabolical frauds, which 
he had not, in the hurry and pressure of the moment, the means and 
the time to detect — that the subject was not settled considerately and 
definitely, but on the other hand, only provisionally, until he could, at 
more leisure, obtain the information requisite for a definitive decision. 
Duff Green says, the president assumes the conduct of the Statesman 
party, — we say he rejects it — and that he will yet throw the responsi- 
bility where it is merited. Let the event determine which is right. 

If I am pressed with an objection, why the president should have de- 
cided on a subject of such importance without adequate information, — 
the answer is undoubtedly, that greater deliberation would have been 
better for the country, and better for the party. But whose fault is it, 
that from every quarter of the country, the party rushed to Washing- 
ton before even his administration commenced — beset him in every 
form, by night and day — pressed, harsassed, perplexed and amazed 
him with claims, solicitations, prayers and tears ? Whose fault is it, 



74 

that he was treated with so little delicacy and respect, that the requisite 
time for a knowledge of the state of his party was not allowed him ? 
Thank God, as it has been said before, the Jackson republican party 
of Boston had no hand in these things — they sent no committees to 
intrude on his retirement, and demand, disgracefully, their pay — 
they pcessed not for appointments, but only for delay in making 
them, until the whole merits of the subject could be known to the 
government. 

The most illiberal opponent of the president must agree that his char- 
acter and policy are not yet definitely ascertained by these provisional 
arrangements. From the nature of things, he could have been but 
little accpminted with the circumstances of each portion of his politi- 
cal friends ; and being more heavily, and indelicately assailed, and 
pressed upon by the party, than any of his predecessors, he made the 
arrangement which seemed to him the best in his power, according to 
the actual state of his information ; but he made it provisionally. He 
has filled the offices for the time being, and has been, and still is, 
seeking the information requisite for his definitive decision. This is 
the view /take of his course. Time will confirm it, or show its falla- 
cy. Duff* Green insists upon my error, but I cannot take Duff Green's 
authority for it. To give the president information is the object of 
these numbers. If it be true that he does not seek it, the main object 
will be defeated ; but they will not then, probably, have been written 
in vain. There is a correcting and redeeming power in the public 
opinion, which never rejects light, and will not be appealed to in vain. 
Private communications would not answer an equal purpose, for the 
truth of those could not be tested, and there would be opposing repre- 
sentations to contradict them. But a public discussion involves a tri- 
bunal of judgment, as well as of testimony. It presents an issue which 
men must meet, or shrink from. Statements made here require to be 
supported. Public assertions can *be denied and disproved, when 
they are not true. Character and reputation are at stake on the issue ; 
and the cause that professes merit, is required to show its 'pretensions 
to it. In one word, public discussion elicits truth and exposes false- 
hood, lays bare crime, and vindicates innocence. Let the guilty shrink 
from it — the honest man has nothing to fear. 

The moment is now arrived when Columbus must take leave of 
his leaders He is conscious of having taxed their patience too 
deeply, and yet, he is well aware, there is much overlooked of 
equal importance to the community and the government. Others 
must finish the work which Columbus has begun. The issue is na- 
tional ; and the end, the ascendency or overthrow of the Jackson 
party. The moment of redemption is not yet past ; but another step 
forward, and we shall be placed where the wisest counsels will be 
useless, and the grandest efforts unavailing. May the Omnipotent 
Being who directs the conduct of b",man affairs so determine it, 
that whatever the event may be, <; e interests and honor of our be- 
loved country shall be sustained ard promoted, though dynasties 
fall, parties be shattered and divided, and the strongest political 
friendships be severed for ever. COLUMBUS. 



(The following letters from Col. Orne to Gen. Duff Green, are so intimately connected 
with the subjects discussed by Columbus, that tho publishers deemed it expedient to print 
them in connexion with those numbers.) 



TO 4! EN. DUFF GFtEEN. 



Boston, Sept. 18, 1829. 



I shall make no apology for obtruding my private affairs on the pub- 
lic, although I am sensible that it is an act which usually detracts, in 
the public estimation, from the delicacy of a private individual. If the 
circumstances in which I am placed do not speak for me, I stand, I 
admit, without excuse. Notwithstanding my total silence, in regard 
to you, for now nearly a year, you have, at short intervals, during that 
whole period, attacked my character, as well as my conduct, in a man- 
ner too explicit to be misapprehended, in the columns of a paper 
which carries your calumnies to every quarter of the republic. My 
motives for bearing so long, calumnies so easily refuted, were not, you 
may well believe, any apprehension of your resentment, or distrust of 
my ability to expose your falsehood. Party dissension is productive 
of consequences at once so injurious and so extensive, that very muck 
should be endured in the, effort to avert it. But there are limits to 
the sacrifices which an honest man can be called on to make ; and 
these will be soon perceived when it ceases to be a question of interest, 
and becomes one of honor. You have reviled me, for a year, Mr. 
Green, and I have endured it, in silence. I will endure it no longer, 
and proceed to prove you, what I have long known you to be, a shame- 
less liar. This is a harsh epithet, I acknowledge, but I know none 
other in the English lamniao-e which can furnish an adequate substi- 
tute. 

In your paper of the 12th inst. among many other remarks about me, 
there is the following paragraph: 

" It is urged against those who have been appointed to office at Boston, that they have 
written for the Boston Statesman ! ! And this objection is made a virtue in Col. Orne, 
who, not content with having received payment in cash from the real editor and proprie- 
tor of the paper, set up his services as a partizan writer in that print, thus demanding to 
be twice paid for the same services." 

If this statement be false, Mr. Green, the guilt of falsehood must 
fasten on your character, for you cannot allege that you have been in- 
nocently imposed upon by the fraud of your informers. You have 
been repeatedly warned that the men, in Boston, with whom you have 
been so intimate, were uttering falsehoods in relation to the Jackson 
republican party of Boston, and particularly in relation to me. Xou 
were told that there was another side to the story, which it would be 

10 



76 

necessary for you to hear, before you could learn the truth. And if 
you are really deceived, which I have not sufficient charity for you to 
suppose, your mistake is one of choice, not necessity, and because you 
have preferred falsehood, rather than truth. Your charge is concisely 
this — that I advocated, as a writer in the Boston Statesman, the elec- 
tion of Gen. Jackson, for which I received pay from the proprietor of 
that paper, and for which also I asked to be appointed to an office. 
This you term demanding to be paid twice for the same services. 

This charge forces me, Mr. Green, to state my connexion jj'ith that 
newspaper. 

At the close of the year 1820, or the commencement of 1821, (and 
I cannot, at this moment, state the date for the want of a tile of the 
newspaper,) the Boston Statesman was commenced to be published. 
The parties to the publication were Benjamin True formerly the pub- 
lisher of the Yankee, his partner, Equality Weston, Peter N. Green, 
(now Nath'l. Greene, post master of Boston) and myself. Mr. Peter 
Green had just before published a little paper in Haverhill, in this 
state, in support of the republican party, and previously. I believe in 
the same place, had published another paper in support of the federal 
party. When myself, with others, determined to publish the States- 
man, we invited Mr. Green, as an active young printer, to superin- 
tend the mechanical part of the establishment. 

The editorial department was to be exclusively under my care, but 
the profits, as well as the hazard, were to belong exclusively to the 
other three parties, with the single exception that I shall proceed to 
state. 

For editing this paper, published twice a week, one year, the other 
parties were to pay me three hundred dollars, (it should have been sta- 
ted $350) and assign me the right of one fourth part of the establish- 
ment, or as it is sometimes termed, the good will of the paper. If it 
were well edited, it was supposed its reputation would be worth some- 
thing, and he on whom its character was made to depend, was to have 
an interest in the success. This year terminated, as nearly as I can 
recollect, on the first day of February, 1822, after which I received 
from the other parties their note for the three hundred dollars, and 
nothing else whatever. How I edited the paper, its files may show 
for themselves, but I may be permitted to say, the paper had as much 
original editorial matter as any semi-weekly paper, then, or before, or 
since, published in Boston. That it had some reputation, may be in- 
ferred from the fact that many of its editorial articles were republish- 
ed in other and distant quarters of the union. The tone of its edito- 
rial discussions was dignified and gentlemanly, — as unlike that of the 
same paper afterwards, under other editorial management, as it was 
to the present tone of the United States Telegraph. 

If the Statesman afterwards became, as it was, one of the most de- 
graded and abusive papers puhlished in the country, it was not my 
fault. 

Before the Statesman was published, and immediately after I com- 
menced, in Boston, the practice of the law, I also was an editor and 



/ 77 

part proprietor of the Boston Yankee, for the purchase of which inter- 
est I paid the proprietor, Mr. Thomas Rowe, six hundred dollars. — 
Judge Ware, of Portland, also purchased an interest in the Yankee, for 
a similar sum, and, for a while, we edited the paper jointly. Judge 
Ware afterwards left Boston, and conveyed again his interest to Mr. 
Rowe, when the sole editorship devolved on me. For these services I 
received no part of the proceeds of the business, but was paid a small 
annual sum. Messrs. True and Weston subsequently purchased Mr. 
Rowe's interest, and I continued, for a while, to edit the paper on the 
same terms. After some time, not being able to agree further with 
these gentlemen, I sold them my interest, and left altogether the es- 
tablishment. They gave me their note of hand for the amount. I had 
ceased, I think, for some years my connexion with the Yankee, when 
the publication of the Statesman was commenced. 

When Mr. Green was invited to take a part in the Statesman, it 
was agreed that he should purchase a part of True and Weston's es- 
tablishment ; and a part of the purchase money was appropriated to 
take up the note which I held against them. Mr. Green, however, 
not having much capital, asked me to loan him the amount, and I loan- 
ed it to him. When I ceased to be editor of the Statesman, True and 
Green gave me a new note for the sum so loaned to Mr. Peter Green, 
to which was also added the sum of three hundred dollars (§350) due 
for my editorial services as I have before mentioned. 

It may be necessary to inform you, Mr. Duff Green, as you were 
not perhaps then a politician, and, it may be, were driving cattle in 
Missouri, though it cannot be necessary to inform the public, that on 
the 1st of February, 1822, the contest for a choice of a successor to 
Mr. Monroe, was not begun. From that day to this, during the whole 
presidential contest of the last seven years, I have received from Mr. 
Green, or from any body else, directly or indirectly, no money, com- 
pensation, benefit or advantage, in any possible shape, for my services, 
as you are pleased to call them, or for my political writings. I wrote 
in the Boston Statesman during the whole of this protracted contest, 
probably more than any other man, without fee, compensation or re- 
ward — without the expectation, hope, or possibility of fee, compensa- 
tion or reward. My labors were gratuitous, unrewarded, and as it now 
appears unthankful, nay, are made against me the subject of reproach. 

But the truth is not all told yet. The amount due me from the pub- 
lishers of the Statesman, being at that time nearly all the property I was 
worth, and for a part of which I was in debt, was continued for years, 
with those publishers as a loan. No part of it was paid, principal or 
interest, until within, if I remember correctly, one or two years. And 
after it was paid, I continued to endorse True and Greene's^notes, at a 
bank, for at least eight or nine hundred dollars at a time. Nay, more 
— up to the very moment of the establishment of the Jackson Repub- 
lican, I was an endorser for True and Greene, on a note to the North 
Bank, for five hundred dollars, until I withdrew all connexion with the 
Statesman, and placed an equal amount in the new paper. I need not 
inform you that during the whole presidential contest up to that time, 



78 

this sum of eight or nine hundred dollars was in actual jeopardy, for I 
knew the publishers of that paper were insolvent, and would never be 
able to pay me, unless the contest were successful. 

But the whole truth is not told yet. During the same period, there 
have been times in Boston when money could not be commanded on 
any credit, and immense sacrifices, on the best notes, two or three per 
cent, a month, were made to obtain it. At such times Mr. Greene has 
resorted to me, as his last resource, to borrow money to sustain his pa- 
per, and I have loaned it to him, without security, and without interest 
one or two hundred dollars at a time, and for months together, out of 
my funds in the bank to meet the current expenses of my family. 

I thus supported that paper by my pen, and by my funds, knowing 
that if the contest were not successful, I should be a heavy loser, — 
probably not much short of one-thousand dollars. Yet I continued the 
loan, and placed the whole amount cheerfully on the result of the con- 
test, and a large part of it up to the very moment when I detected a 
conspiracy on the part of the publisher of that paper, with others who 
governed it, to effect my political destruction. It has been stated to 
me, — but what kind of heart must that be which could credit it ? — 
that the very notes I endorsed for True and Greene, nay the very 
notes given me for borrowed money when it could be obtained in no 
other way, were taken to Washington, and shown to the president, m 
proof of my being paid for my writings in support of his election. 
Gratitude, I have long known, is not a common quality in the human 
character, and I have long acted in the belief, that it is never to be 
calculated on : but ingratitude like this, is not human, — it is fiendish, 
— it is incredible. The heart that could anticipate it, — that could sus- 
pect it, — must be as black as as Duff Green's. 

I must reserve for another paper, some remarks on other parts of 
your remarkable statement. HENRY ORNE. 

TO GEN. DUFF GREEN, NO. II. 

Boston, Sept. 22, 1S20. 
The following paragraph in your remarks presents another asser- 
tion which I deem it proper to notice. 

" After it was pretty well ascertained that Gen. Jackson would be elected, Mr. Orne 
proposed to those with whom he had for a short time acted, that they should unite and 
nominate him for collector to succeed Mr. Dearborn." 

It is impossible for any assertions to be made, regarding any body, 
or on any subject, more false than this. A dispute about appoint- 
ments, or even a conversation about them, voluntarily, while an elec- 
tion is pending, is one of the last acts of folly I should be induced to 
commit. On this subject I can appeal without fear to every man who 
has been in my confidence, or company, during the whole presidential 
contest. In regard to the Crawford campaign, I am not aware, if the 
event had been fortunate, that there was a person in the common- 
wealth who would have been a competitor with me for any appoint- 



79 

ment I might have desired. Where is the man who can say that he 
ever heard me name the subject of an office during the three years of 
that contest ? And the very ground on which the Statesman party 
avowed their opposition to my appointment as collector, was, that I 
would not talk about offices. The confidence that I would not make 
bargains with men for subordinate appointments — that I would admin- 
ister the duties of the trust independently, if it were conferred on me, — 
was the leading motive of the conspiracy to destroy me. Until the 
farce of the legislative convention was acted, it was a subject never 
named between me and the friends of Gen. Jackson, but once. Gen. 
King of Maine, once recommended, (this was in the spring of 1827,) 
to the Statesman party, to present my name to Mr. Adams as a candi- 
date for that place, in the belief that the Jackson majority in the sen- 
ate would not sanction Gen. Dearborn's re-appointment, and that our 
wishes might possibly be successful. I absolutely refused to sanction 
any such movement. 

After the farce of the legislative convention, the determination to 
destroy me was apparent, and I resolved to unravel the motives of the 
intrigue. By the merest accident I was informed that preparations 
for making Mr. Henshaw collector had been long made, and at once 
saw the motive of the hostility to me. I sought conversation with the 
intriguers to find out their plan, and became at length fully informed, 
after some sharp altercation, as if in defiance, of their disposition of 
offices. I communicated nothing from myself more than was necessa- 
ry to bring them out. It is not to our apparent enemies that we re- 
sort to place confidence. It is not true that I ever asked, before the 
election, any man in Boston whatever, to support rne for any office 
under this administration. Such falsehood has been asserted here, I 
know, by those whose slander of me has been profusely poured into 
the ears of the government. The slanderer may be willing to back 
one falsehood with another, but I am ready to support this statement 
under the solemnity of an oath. I never begged any man's or any 
party's support for any office, and if I ever receive an appointment 
under this, or under any other administration, it shall be conferred on 
me freely, without solicitation and without intrigue. Your next para- 
graph, that I shall notice, is of a similar character. 

" After the election, Gen. Boyd and Col. Orne came to this city, and we venture to 
affirm that no one of all the office hunters who have visited Washington, has been more 
importunate." 

And pray, Mr. Green, what do you know of the fact you " venture to 
affirm ?" While 1 was in Washington I had no conversation with you, 
you well know. You cannot have forgotten that when a senator of 
congress introduced you to me, supposing that we were strangers, I 
refused to notice you, and was constant in that refusal all the time I 
was in Washington ! How then do you know that I was importunate 
for office ? Some one must have informed you, or else the story is 
your own gratuitous falsehood. Produce your proof, and gainsay, if 
you can, a particle of my denial. During the two weeks Iioasin Wash- 
ington, I never asked, directly nor indirectly, any mail's assistance, or sup- 



80 

port for any office ichalcver. I made no application for any office what- 
ever. Who, then, could have told you such a falsehood, and what 
authority do you require before you " venture to make an assertion." 

The only request I ever made for any appointment under this ad- 
ministration, or for any assistance to gain one, was made to the offi- 
cial organs of the government, in transmitting the recommendations 
which had been obtained in my favor, and with very slight agency on 
my part. My " importunity'" has been one of rather a remarkable 
character. The news of the appointment of a collector reached Bos- 
ton on Saturday evening. The Thursday before, being Fast day, I 
transmitted directly to the president himself a letter withdrawing the 
application in my favor. My motive it concerns you little to know. 
You will undoubtedly assert that I had well ascertained, previously, 
that I could not be successful. I was, indeed, disgusted with the 
malice and slander which had been so extensively brought to bear 
against me, and in which you took so responsible and infamous a part. 
I apprehend that I was to be made a victim, and reconciled myself to 
my fate. But so far from knowing that an adverse appointment had 
been made, all our information from Washington, led us to believe 
that the appointment would have been deferred much longer. This 
letter of withdrawal was forwarded to the president on the 9th of 
April — on the 11th, the news reached here, and astonished us be- 
yond measure, that this appointment had been given to Mr. Henshaw. 
You may judge what reason I had to expect this event, at the time, 
from the following extract of a letter from Andrew J. Donelson, Esq. 
the private secretary of the president. As it was in some measure 
official, not confidential, and its own nature requires no secrecy, I 
hope I violate no delicacy in communicating it. 

Washington, April 3d, 1829. 
"I also add the expressions of the hope that you will not suffer the statement of others 
to interrupt the addresses to the proper department of any recommendations, or testimoni- 
als, which you may have in your possession. The appointments to the customs are not 
fixed upon, nor are they pledged to any." 

So far from being importunate at Washington, I never went there 
with a view of applying for any appointment. I had been repeatedly 
informed that Mr. Nath'l. Greene was then, and had been all winter, 
uttering his slanders against me. My sole object in going was to 
hear and repel any falsehood he might allege. I staid in Washington 
lon°- enough to see most of the leading men of the Jackson party ; but 
these were above Mr. Nath'l. Greene's reach. I was satisfied that 
their minds had not been prejudiced, and came away. For the opini- 
ons of such men as you and your associates, I did not care, and Mr. 
Nath'l. Greene was welcome to utter among you any falsehoods he 
thought proper. I was strongly urged, by an intimate friend of the 
president, to remain until after the 4th of March : he was aware I had 
enemies, and insisted that I should remain to meet them. I feared 
them too little, and despised them too much. I did not regard them 
enough to encounter a scene from which every feeling of delicacy re- 
volted. I thank God, still, that I had no part in that scene which 



81 

covers, when it is recalled to mind, every American cheek with a hlush, 
The throng that pressed on the president before he was fairly in office, 
soliciting rewards in a manner so destitute of decency, and of respect 
for his character and office, is, with your 8th of January printer's din- 
ner, among the most disgraceful reproaches to the character of our 
countrymen. " Before I would behold such another 4th of March," 
said a faithful, but indignant friend of the president, " I would see the 
whole district of Columbia blown to heaven, with all that it contained." 
Gen. Boyd indeed remained there. He had public claims on his 
country which gave a sanction to his presence. He had claims which 
every respectable man in this quarter has admitted for years. But on 
parly grounds, not a member of the Jackson republican parly was present, 
and I thanked God for it. Even the twenty brazen representatives of 
the Statesman party, one wouJd think, might have felt enough regard 
for decency to retire, when they had you and your host to act for them. 
You speak of me " as objecting to the appointment of editors." I 
never published a syllable upon that subject. You further remark. 

" The Intelligencer asserts that these gentlemen (the respectable friends of the president 
in this quarter) are shocked at the cruel extent to which the power of removal has been 
carried. Was Gen. Boyd shocked at the removal of his predecessor 1 If so, why did he 
importune the president to make the removal 1 Why did he accept the office when made 
vacant 1 Was Col. Orne shocked at the removal of Messrs. (Mr.) Dearborn or Hill 1 If 
so why did he solicit both or either of those offices, before the removals were made." 

You either misunderstand, Mr. Green, or else you willingly mis- 
state the argument. The objection to the numerous appointments of 
printers, which has been made, not by me, but very extensively by the 
friends of the president, all over the country, is not because editors or 
printers have been appointed ; but because men have been, as it is 
alleged, for no other reason than because they were printers. Let can- 
didates be selected for their character, conduct, and qualifications — let 
those be such as to elevate the character of the government which ap- 
points them, and the offices they fill, and there will be no expression 
of mortification or regret. The professions of men ought not to enter 
into the consideration of their qualifications for a public trust. It is no 
objection to a man that he was an editor, but it is nothing in his favor. 
He should not be selected merely as an editor, nor rejected on that 
account. Printers, as a body, should not be a peculiarly favored class — 
nay, the proprietors of presses, the publishers by profession, should 
be rather viewed with strictness and jealousy, for the preservation of 
the purity of the press, than as objects of signal bounty on the success 
of their candidate. It is not merely because Isaac Hill, and Nathaniel 
Greene, are printers, but because of their especial want of suitable 
characters and qualifications for the offices they hold, — because they 
are nothing but printers, or editors, and that of a degraded class — that 
the public sentiment has been shocked by their appointment. 

You well know, Mr. Green, that I am by profession neither a prin- 
ter nor an editor, but engaged in the practice and in the administration 
of the law. If I am a candidate for a public trust, at all, it is neither 
as an editor nor a writer. I readilv agree with you that these afford 



82 

me no claim, although the services in that line were gratuitous, indeed, 
Mr. Green ; but whether a suitable candidate, or not, depends on con- 
siderations of character. If this places me below, or on a level, with 
those who have contrived to obtain the offices in this place, I readily 
admit that my pretensions have been very properly rejected. But 
here again you much mistake the matter. That we are in trouble, it 
is not because we have not obtained appointments, but that unfit peo- 
ple have. We could have well done without offices, but not with bad 
appointments. Let the men selected be suitable to the respectability 
and standing of the party — let them elevate the character of the gov- 
ernment, and reflect honor on the institutions of the country, and we 
shall be well contented. Let exalted trusts not be confided to those 
whose avowed object was discord and division in the party — on those 
who had published their determination to" proscribe a part of the friends 
of the administration, and you will find us not quite so selfish and im- 
portunate as you imagine. 

You insist upon it that those who have applied for appointments 
complain, with an ill grace, that the incumbents have been removed. 
If such there be, they are guilty of shameful selfishness and inconsis- 
tency, and you cannot treat them with too much severity. But here 
you mistake the fact. The people of Boston do not complain that Gen. 
Dearborn, or Dr. Hill, or Maj. Melville, was removed. All these gen- 
tlemen, doubtless, had friends who would have been happy to see them 
retained. Some of them, certainly, are very respectable men, and 
discharged their duties in a very creditable manner; and of these, 
the people made no complaint. Still they did not suppose that they 
would, or ought to be, continued in office. There are certain trusts of 
an elevated character under our government, which ought not to be 
perpetual, in the hands of any families, or of any men. Rotation is a 
sound, practical, republican principle, under our form of government, 
and for which the people have frequently avowed a strong predilection. 
The collectorship, naval office, and post-office, had been long enough 
in the hands of the late incumbents, two of whom were known to be 
very rich, and if all of them were not, it was their own fault. The peo- 
ple expected a change, and in regard to the post office, I believe, al- 
most universally desired it. In regard to the collectorship also, al- 
though well satisfied with the ollicial conduct of the collector, they 
thought the office had been long enough in the hands of Gen. Dear- 
born, and in those of his family. The reason was still more forcible 
in the case of Maj. Melville, who had been still longer in office, had 
accumulated, it was supposed, a verv large fortune ,• and whose repose, 
rather than whose services, commanded the public sympathies. But 
if this had been otherwise, and stronger reasons were needed for his 
removal, they could, I am satisfied, have been found. If the public 
sentiment has been hurt by any transactions connected with these men, 
it was rather at the time and manner, than by the fact, of their removal. 
But the great cause of dissatisfaction was not their removal, but the 
appointment of two of their successors. 

There have been, however, removals here, which have given a deep 
shock to the public sentiment. Not those made by the government, 



82 

but by the officers whom the government appointed. Rotation is a 
good principle applied to leading political trusts ; but when brought to 
bear on humble occupations — on experienced services, not rewarded, 
but barely sustained — on trusts to which experience is requisite, but 
for which the compensation is something less than an equivalent — on 
men who had given up all other pursuits, and embraced these for a 
livelihood, with no reason to anticipate a removal while their conduct 
merited the public confidence — when rotation is applied to these offi- 
ces, and is made to carry ruin and dismay into the bosoms of private 
families — making wretched sufferers of dependent wives, and helpless 
children — then it is that removals are complained of — that public sen- 
timent is shocked — that business men, not politicians, unite to interfere 
and petition for redress — and then it is that rotation emits a bad odor, 
and becomes a subject of reproach. It is this kind of removals, when 
subordinate agents are made the victims of petty tyrants in power, that 
agitates the public sentiment, and kindless indignation. It is that kind 
of removals which the president has stopped, and implicitly censured, of 
which our people complain, and for his prompt interference in which, 
the president has gained, in this quarter, a good deal ot grateful credit. 
His views of rotation appear to be such as I have stated — such as 
were well known to be the views of the Crawford party in the previ- 
ous contest — such as I knoiv were the views of the illustrious leader of 
that party himself. These subordinate agents should be removed only 
for cause — this appears to be the sentiment of the government, and it is, 
most assuredly the sentiment of our people. 

I have thus, General Green, met, I believe, every charge you have 
advanced against my character — I have told you the truth, which neither 
you nor any other man can controvert. And if this be the truth, are you 
not ashamed of the calumnies you have circulated against me ? Is 
there one particle of honesty in your character — have you the slightest 
regard for truth, or individual justice ? — If you answer me yes, then I 
exhort you to fall on your knees, and ask my forgiveness. Let not 
shame keep down your penitence, for believe me, in your present con- 
dition, contrition is infinitely more becoming in you than obstinacy. 
Dare, for a single moment, to be an honest man, and you will per- 
ceive such an elevation in your feelings as will make you regret that 
you never tried it before. You have endeavored to injure me, but I 
trust, with the blessing of the God of justice, that the endeavor will re- 
dound, yet, to my benefit. Avow your error, — be penitent — promise 
reformation, and I will forgive you. I will exercise all the charity 
towards you that a christian spirit can impart ; and though there are 
points in your character which must forever repel my respect, your 
offences, and attempted injuries, shall be forgiven and forgotten. 

I now take my leave of you Gen. Green, I hope forever. There are 
points regarding your conduct, on which I could speak at length ; but 
" Columbus' 1 '' has promised to do you justice, and in his hands I leave 
you. If I am not deceived, your turn will come soon. 

HENRY ORNE. 



We have thought proper to give in connexion with the Letters of Columbus, the piece 
signed Anti-Janus, which, by commencing a violent and abusive attack on some of the 
friends of this administration, drew out Columbus in reply. The writer is not known, but 
there is little doubt it was gotten up under the influence of our Custom house, and other 
national officers here. It was originally published in the New Hampshire Patriot, but 
soon reprinted in many of the DutFGreen papers. 



What constitutes " a concealed enemy of the Administration."] — Boston Evening 
Bulletin. 

The above question being addressed, not to an individual, but to the public generally, 
may I presume, be answered by any member of the community who chooses to take the 
trouble. By different persons, different answers would doubtless be given ; and perhaps 
the true definition may only be obtained by collating and examining the varying opinions 
which may result from the exercise of various minds on this delicate subject. With your 
leave Mr. Editor, I will contribute my mite in the way of elucidation, by delineating such 
a character as I should suppose might properly be denominated " a concealed enemy of the 
administration.'! Please remember the character is but a " fancy sketch," and is to be so 
considered, however, much it may resemble that of any actual living demagogue. 

Col. Christopher Crafty is a man who stands six feet in his stockings, with a figure and 
eye which would have been very fine and expressive were not the beauty of the one de- 
stroyed by the habitual gastronomic indulgence which has stamped sensualist, in indelible 
characters, on the expression of the other. The intimate connexion between matter and 
mind, and their mutual dependence, are admirably displayed in Col. Crafty, and render 
him an excellent subject for the experiments of a phrenological professor. Like his out- 
ward form, his mind was originally of fair dimensions and constructed with all usual capa- 
bilities for receiving and reflecting good or evil impressions. And now, when his despoil- 
ed head gives its unbidden testimony thai the meridian of life has arrived, and teaches us 
to look for the permanent unchangeable impress of time upon the heart and mind, let us 
lift the curtain and read. What is written in that heart 1 Alas, but one word — and that 
word traced with icicles, freezing the current of every noble, every generous impulse — 
that word is selfishness. What on that mind, committed to his keeping by the great 
source of all purity, fair and while and pure 1 How has it been kept! What characters 
are there, and by whom traced 1 — Cunning, Treachery, and Falsehood stand out in bold 
relief, proclaiming that selfishness and sensuality have been but too busy and too 
successful in marring what God created in the image of his own beauty 

Such we will suppose to be a correct delineation of the mental, moral and physical char- 
acteristics of Col. Crafty. We will now trace the course it might be supposed such a man 
would pursue as a politician. Dining three years of the last Presidential contest, he adopt- 
ed the non-committal system. He could not decide what course to take — for he knew not 
which candidate would succeed. He felt that the people were for Jackson, but he could 
not believe the politicians would suffer him to be elected. While Gov. Clinton lived, it 
was possible thai he might be taken up, and Jackson abandoned, Gov. Clinton died. — 
Still Mr. Crawford was alive, and might be brought forward and elected after Adams and 
Jackson had demolished each other. Under these circumstances, in his profound wisdom, 
he determined to deny in the most public manner, that he took any part in the contest — 
while at the same time be privately kept up an active communication with the friends of 
each candidate, professing, in the seen sy of confidential correspondence, to be friendly to 
eaeh. At length the election of Mr. Stevenson as Speaker of the House took place, and 
other thick coming indications warned this most cautious of fencemen that it was time to 



84 

jump off. He now felt that his only chance was to steal or force himself into the front rank 
of those who had fjught the good fight of Jackson and reform — and both of these modes he 
attempted. But his conduct during the time when his assistance was needed and would 
have been welcomed, and the base and selfish calculations which had induced that con- 
duct, caused him to be viewed every where with coldness and distrust. And a conscious- 
ness that he had justly forfeited the confidence and respect of those who had in bye-gone 
days been his best friends, induced him to look about for new friends and a new party. — 
Finding it impossible to obtain the countenance of any existing party, he was obliged to 
resort to the forlorn hope of manufacturing a new one. The attempt was arduous, the ma- 
terials scarce, and small the confidence in this would-be leader. By dint, however, of 
persevering flattery, falsehood and hypocrisy, he persuaded two honest, well-meaning, but 
somewhat disappointed politicians of" different sects, to countenance his plans, and hoist a 
banner under which were to be gathered the unprincipled of all parties. And a pretty 
business they made of the co-partnership. One party to the compact was to furnish cun- 
ning — another, a sufficient quantity of good society federalism — the third, a sprinkling of 
democracy and the balance in cash. Thus, like Macbeth's witches, and for a purpose not 
far differing from the Thane of Cawdor's he filled the cauldron with 

" Adder's fork and blind-worm's sting, 
" Lizard's leg and owlet's wing." 

The new firm hoisted their parti-colored flag and beat up for recruits. Many were called 
but few came — and those who did come were the strangest mixture of the odds and ends of 
all parties that eyes ever beheld. Motley was the only wear. Falstaff would never have 
marched through Coventry with such soldiers. But such as they were, they were all that 
could be obtained — and with this apology for a party the fortunes of the prime mover were 
to be made or marred. They were marred. 

Retiring from the presence, disappointed, mortified, discredited — conscious only of utter 
and deserved failure — another passion enters into his soul and obtains the mastery there. 
That passion is revenge. He lives, moves, breathes, but for one fell purpose — revenge. 
Revenge on all — on Gen. Jackson, whom in his private, familiar conversation he abuses in 
the foulest manner — on his constitutional advisers — and on the humble individuals whose 
only crime consists in having been preferred to him. How to accomplish this, is his thought 
by day and his dream by night. His perverted talents, his fiendish cunning, and his ex- 
ceeding falsehood, have all been put in requisition — the plan of his operations has been de- 
termined and is now developing. It is such a plan as might have been expected from such 
a heart, such a mind, such passions. He affects, God knows how falsely, to be a friend and 
supporler of the President and his administration — this, that he may acquire power to ac- 
complish the mischief he meditates. He affects great solicitude for the consequences of 
certain appointments in this quarter — first insinuates that they are injudicious, and next 
proceeds to denounce them. And all this, as he pretends, from pure love to the adminstra- 
tion, and a sincere desire to uphold and support it. Does a newly appointed officer exert 
his faculties to the utmost stretch, rising early and retiring late, that the duties of his office 
may be so discharged as to preclude all cavil at his appointment and extort praise from 
those who would more willingly bestow censure — straightway this boding owl insinuates thai 
that approbation is purchased by base means, and that the undivided voice of a whole com- 
munity is a false testimony iuduced by bribery. Does a newly appointed, active and faith- 
ful officer deem it proper to displace a clerk for reasons satisfactory to himself and the gov- 
ernment — the friends of that clerk are visited by this immaculate supporter of the admin- 
istration — they are falsely assured that government does not approve and will not sustain 
the course of its officer — the embers of their discontent are artfully fanned — their pas- 
sions are stimulated — they are excited to call meetings for the purpose of denouncing the 
representative of the government — and promised the co-operation of himself, his relatives 
and friends, together with the aid of an unprincipled, purchased press, of which he has ob- 
tained the controul much in the same manner as the monkey got possession of the roasted 
chesnuts. Suppose a person possessing such characteristics and pursuing such a course — 
might he not, Mr. Editor, be properly termed " a concealed enemy of the Administra- 
tion V ANTI-JANUS. 



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